Leavenworth’s wife, along with the other women in town, spent 10 days in the town’s courthouse making uniforms for the soldiers. More than 100 men had enlisted from Van Buren and more would be enlisting, especially since there were rumors that Gen. Jim Lane had three regiments marching towards Arkansas and Missouri from Kansas. Gen. Pike was conferring with the Creeks, Choctaws, and Cherokees about organizing regiments in support of the Confederacy.

While Leavenworth was motivated to join the Confederate Army he did not believe the outlook to be very good for the Confederacy regarding Missouri. The “treachery of Frost [Daniel Frost] in Missouri,” allowed the Union to gain control of the St. Louis arsenal which contained enough weapons to “arm two states.”3 He stated, “But I fear Missouri is lost. Harney [William S. Harney] is acting as military Dictator, and liberty is lost. The Dutch Home Guard holds St. Louis in subjection.”4

Leavenworth was most concerned about how his harvest would do while he was gone and for the safety of his wife. Prior to his leaving, he planned to move her to Camden, Arkansas. With so many men away from home, women were left to tend the family’s farm and they had to survive all on their own. Leavenworth hoped to get into the Engineer Corp of the Confederate Army and asked his father to send him “a small work [Dennis H. Mahan’s Treatise on Field Fortification] on field fortifications”.5 Leavenworth would become a Captain in the Provisional Army of the Confederate States (P.A.C.S).6

Contributed by the Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. Letter from Frederick Leavenworth to his father, May 21, 1861, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
2. Frederick Leavenworth, National Park Service Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System, http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss/soldiers.cfm
3. Letter from Frederick Leavenworth to his father, May 21, 1861, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
4. Letter from Frederick Leavenworth to his father, May 21, 1861, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
5. Letter from Frederick Leavenworth to his father, May 21, 1861, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
6. Frederick Leavenworth, National Park Service Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System, http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss/soldiers.cfm.

Hall wrote to “Harris” regarding individual soldiers and generals receiving praise in the press for their glory and valor. He explained his frustration that there was no mention of the 7th Missouri Volunteer Cavalry as a whole. Hall did think very highly of Col. James Phillips though and described him as “being most excusably ambitious, nothing mortifies him more than for other men to reap the reward of his labor and never even give his own men, much less their Col., the credit. I know this without ever hearing a murmur from his lips.”4 Hall goes into great detail about the events that transpired at the Battle of Lone Jack and the mistakes he believed the commanding officers made.

The Battle of Lone Jack, Missouri, was a long skirmish of many advances, retreats, and counter-attacks by both the Union and Confederate forces. The Confederates had been on a recruiting expedition and were between Lone Jack and Independence, Missouri, around August 15, 1862. Col. James Totten sent Maj. Emory Foster with 800 men to stop the oncoming enemy from meeting up with reinforcements from the south.5 The opposing units converged in Lone Jack and combat ensued. The Confederate soldiers killed the Union commander in charge of the Federals, Maj. Emory S. Foster, and forced his successor Capt. Milton H. Brawner to retreat back to Sedalia, Missouri.6 The victory was short-lived for the Rebels because a larger Union force was fast approaching.

While the 7th Missouri Volunteer Cavalry was stationed at Calhoun, Missouri, Hall reported that upon Gen. Fitz-Henry Warren’s arrival following his “fruitless pursuit of Coffee and his gang” he spoke with Gen. Totten and made several severe criticisms regarding the course of action that had been pursued.7 As the unit left Calhoun, they marched on to Osceola, Missouri, instead of Lexington, Missouri, which Hall believed would have been the better pursuit and more advantageous for capturing Gen. Coffee. The men had not expected to be gone on such a long march and found themselves without many necessities like extra clothing and food.

To Sum up, on the 16 the enemy was in Jackson Co about 4000 strong. on the 17 & 18 all the troops in Clinton & adjoining posts fell back on Sedalia destroying what supplies they could not bring away two or three days were lost in the march towards Lexington on the 19 & 20 An old farmer remarked at Oceola that if the design had really been to “let Coffee out,” the movement would have been pricisely as it was.

Samuel K. Hall letter to Harris—Sept 12, 1862

Hall survived the war and moved with his wife, Massie Dickson Hall, and their family for a brief time to Colorado. Hall worked as a smelter in Colorado, while his wife and daughter kept house.8 The Halls eventually moved to Washington, D.C., where Hall worked as a watchman until he died in December 1913. Samuel K. Hall is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.9

Contributed by the Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. 1900 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Washington, Washington, District of Columbia; Roll: T623_162; Page: 1A; Enumeration District: 88.
2. “Samuel K. Hall, 7th Regiment Cavalry M.S.M., Missouri State Archives, Soldiers’ Records: War of 1812 – World War I, Record of Service Card, Civil War, 1861-1865, http://www.sos.mo.gov/TIF2PDFConsumer/DispPDF.aspx?fTiff=/archives/AdjutantGeneral/Civil_War/ServiceCards/s841/0413.tif|/archives/AdjutantGeneral/Civil_War/ServiceCards/s841/0414.tif&Fln=S140632.pdf
3. Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, V.III (1908), p.1307-1308, http://home.usmo.com/~momollus/MOREG/C019.htm
4. S.K Hall Letter to Harris, September 12, 1862, Camp Totten, Springfield, MO, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
5. A.L. Webber, History and Directory of Cass County, Missouri (Harrisonville, MO: The Cass County Leader, 1908), 134.
6. “CWSAC Battle Summaries: Lone Jack”, Heritage Preservation Services, National Park Services, http://www.nps.gov/hps/abpp/battles/mo015.htm
7. S.K. Hall Letter to Harris, September 12, 1862, Camp Totten, Springfield, MO, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri.
8. 1880 United States Federal Census, Census Place: Leadville, Lake, Colorado; Roll: 91; Family History Film: 1254091; Page: 345D; Enumeration District: 75; Image: 0292.
9. “ Samuel Kellogg Hall”, Find A Grave, http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GSln=Hall&GSfn=Samuel&GSmn=K&GSbyrel=all&GSdyrel=all&GScntry=4&GSob=n&GRid=42719764&df=all&

In a letter written to his parents and sister in New York on March 13, 1859, Schooley stated “the troubles are ended” in Kansas, and “governor and the legislature have done away with all past offenses and released all prisoners.”2 The trouble Schooley referred to was the “Bleeding Kansas Era”. The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854 opened the territory of Kansas to settlement and to a popular vote on allowing slavery in the territory. Many Missouri residents believed they could influence the territorial elections in Kansas by crossing the border and casting pro-slavery votes. Hatred grew along the Missouri/Kansas border as Free-Staters arrived from the Northeast to battle the Missourians. Both sides crossed the border, often committing depredations on the civilian population in the bloody struggle over the entry of Kansas into the Union. Kansas ultimately became a free state, and the Bleeding Kansas Era laid the foundation for an even more brutal and vicious guerrilla war in the 1860s.

Schooley commented that Capt. John Brown, a controversial abolitionist, was once again in Osawatomie, Kansas, helping a group of slaves escape to freedom on the Underground Railroad.3 Brown was an active participant in the Bleeding Kansas years and advocated violence in securing Kansas’s entry into the Union as a free state. He was hung in December of 1859 for treason after conducting a raid at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia, in an effort to free more slaves.4

Schooley also mentioned in his letter the large influx of settlers and prospectors venturing west toward Pike’s Peak in search of gold. Schooley speculated that many would be disappointed although he contemplated about trying his luck further west but stated, “I am not prepared to go yet…”5 Although Schooley believed the violence was coming to an end in Kansas, it would be five more years of destruction and insecurity before peace would return to the Sunflower State. Schooley remained in Mound City until his passing in 1901, and is buried next to his wife, Polly Ann, in the Woodland Cemetery.6

Contributed by the Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. 1900 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Mound City, Linn, Kansas; Roll: T623_487; Page: 18A; Enumeration District: 113.
2. Letter from Hamilton Schooley to his parents and sister, March 13, 1859, Moneka, KS, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield.
3. Letter from Hamilton Schooley to his parents and sister, March 13, 1859, Moneka, KS, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield.
4. Henry David Thoreau, A Plea for Captain John Brown (Forgotten Books, republished in 2008), vii.
5. Letter from Hamilton Schooley to his parents and sister, March 13, 1859, Moneka, KS, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield.
6. Hamilton Schooley, Woodland Cemetery, Mound City, Linn County, Kansas, Find A Grave.com, http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GSln=Schooley&GSfn=Hamilton&GSbyrel=all&GSdyrel=all&GSst=18&GScntry=4&GSob=n&GRid=41137098&df=all&

Late in the afternoon on March 7, General Earl Van Dorn realized his advantage in numbers and attacked the Union forces at Pea Ridge. The shattered Union forces though rallied in Ruddick’s field, along the Telegraph Road. General Van Dorn attacked, but this time the Federals held their ground and darkness put an end to the fighting. Both commanders worked hard to consolidate their positions. General Samuel Curtis was clearly the most successful. The Army of the Southwest concentrated along the Telegraph Road as food, water and ammunition was distributed to the troops. Many Confederate units marched all night from Big Mountain to reach the battlefield. They arrived completely exhausted and many were unable to participate in the second day’s fighting. Schaumburg himself had been riding for over 52 hours and only had an hour and fifteen minutes rest.2 Worse yet, Van Dorn’s forced marches outpaced the Confederates ammunition supply. The wagons were abandoned along Little Sugar Creek, twelve miles from the army’s current position. Hundreds of Confederate soldiers spent a cold, miserable night on the battlefield gathering food from abandoned Union haversacks and hoping for more ammunition to continue the fight.3

Curtis expected a Confederate attack on the morning of March 8. When it did not come, the Federals advanced. Union artillery was brought forward and opened fire on the Rebel position. After a successful bombardment, almost 10,000 Union infantrymen surged forward. The Confederate position collapsed and Van Dorn ordered a general retreat. Casualties were heavy for both sides at Pea Ridge. Schaumburg said that he was, “broken hearted leaving behind my friend Charlie Clark, Captain of the Battery in my Brigade, his head severed from his body.”4 Schaumburg was not unlike many soldiers who were riddled with guilt and anguish about having to leave behind their wounded or deceased comrades on the battlefield. The Battle of Pea Ridge was a heavy loss for the Confederacy. Schaumburg acknowledged the sound defeat, when he returns to the field to bury the dead and stated, “I saw that they had been whipped completely.”5 While the outcome of the battle was not favorable for the Confederates, Schaumburg did mention the heroic efforts of his commander General Henry Little, who was in charge of the action of the right wing before Elkhorn Tavern, where the Federals were defeated on the first day.6

A very unique fact about this collection is that Schaumburg’s mother, Orleana Christy Wright was about to get a pass to cross into Confederate territory to go visit her son in Corinth. The pass was signed by President Lincoln.7

According the Official Records of Rebellion, Schaumburg went on to become the Inspector-General of the Trans-Mississippi Department of the Confederate Army.8 After the war ended, Schaumburg continued his military career by serving in the Cuban Army, and was appointed Colonel in 1869.9

Contributed by the Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. John R. Sellers, Civil War Manuscripts: A Guide to Collections in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1986), pg 247
2. W.C. Shaumburg Letter to Paul, April 2, 1862, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri,
3. Mark K. Chris, ed., Rugged and Sublime: The Civil War in Arkansas (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 1994), 34-37.
4. W.C. Shaumburg Letter to Paul, April 2, 1862, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri, pg 3.
5. W.C. Shaumburg Letter to Paul, April 2, 1862, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri, pg 3.
6. W.C. Shaumburg Letter to Paul, April 2, 1862, Van Buren, Arkansas, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri, pg 3.
7. John R. Sellers, Civil War Manuscripts: A Guide to Collections in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1986), pg 247.
8. Official Records, ut supra, Vol. 22, Pt. 2, P. 1051, in Chronicles of Oklahoma, Vol. 5, No. 2 (June 1927), http://digital.library.okstate.edu/Chronicles/v005/v005p251.html
9. John R. Sellers, Civil War Manuscripts: A Guide to Collections in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, pg 247.

Community & Conflict consists of hundreds of primary source documents surrounding the Civil War in the Trans-Mississippi Theater. A committee of teachers selected specific themes and documents from the collection to develop into lesson plans. Each activity provides students with an opportunity to investigate the Civil War and interpret what occurred based on written evidence. The lesson plans are specifically designed for 4th, 8th, and high school grade levels. Each component is easily adaptable and complies with Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Educational Show-Me Standards. These lesson plans encourage students to engage with the sources, building critical thinking and interpretation skills.

Lesson Plans (pdf)

African American Soldiers

Approximately 179,000 African Americans served in the Union Army during the Civil War. While they were enlisted soldiers, they were not treated equally compared to white soldiers. This lesson plan explores hardships African American soldiers faced during the Civil War.

A Solider’s Life

Thousands of men enlisted as soldiers during the Civil War. Their service brought countless difficult decisions. This lesson plan studies choices made by five different individuals during the war.

Choosing Sides in Greene County, Missouri

Missouri, a slave-holding state, elected to remain in the Union. Her citizens, like other border states, were politically divided. Men from Greene County, Missouri joined both the Missouri State Guard, Southern, and the Phelps Home Guards, Union. This lesson plan investigates the political and military divisions in Greene County.

German Immigrants in the Civil War

German Americans played a significant role in the Civil War in Missouri. Their anti-slavery and pro-Union views caused conflict with the Missouri Democratic citizens. This lesson plan discusses why the Germans were so politically and militarily active and how this impacted the war in the state.

Guerilla Warfare and the Impact on Civillians

Guerrilla warfare plagued the Trans-Mississippi Theater throughout the Civil War. Both Union and Southern forces attacked military combatants and civilians using unconventional tactics. This lesson plan looks at the impact of irregular warfare on civilians through the letters of the Hunter-Hagler family.

Life on the Homefront

The Civil War brought economic hardships to civilians as market values crashed and food became scare. Migrating troops foraged the countryside and bushwhackers pillaged family farms. This lesson plan examines how civilians coped with adversity and played an active role during the war.

Slavery and the Legal System

The legal system surrounding slave trade was complex. As time progressed, the governing system became even more complicated as some states emancipated slaves before others. This lesson plan analyzes slavery through the court room. The court cases incorporated into the activities provide a glimpse into the lives of a slaves and slave owners.

Col H. [Higdon] R. Jarrett and Col [Joseph T.] Morton had made a settlement of the difference between them in regard to the swopping of their negroes, Green [Greene] & Wyatt, & that Morton had given up to him Jarrett the note he held against him as payment of the difference in the terms of the use of said negroes & Jarrett told Morton there were some credits on said note which he had forgotten when he agreed to take the note, as a settlement of the transaction. Jarrett told Morton that he must pay him something more –since he had discovered there were credits on the note he had forgotten – but if Morton would pay him the amount of these credits he would then be satisfied
- Higdon R. Jarrett vs. Joseph T. Morton, 1865-1868. S/F 32, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri, Deposition of John H. Miller, pg 2.

The situation became even more complicated when Joseph T. Morton’s son, John A. Morton, entered a trade agreement on January 1862, with Mr. Jarrett without the consent of his father.1 John Morton agreed to exchange the slave, Wyatt, back to Jarrett in exchange for the slave, Greene. As his testimony revealed, John Morton believed the arrangement he had negotiated was in error, stating that he thought his father would have preferred that he had not made the trade.2 However, John Morton explained that he made the exchange in an effort to save Greene’s life, which was threatened since he had given information of some brandy a neighbor of Jarrett’s, Mr. McCraken, had to some soldiers, who then threatened McCraken to obtain the liquor. Joseph Morton, his son John, and Greene all returned to Arkansas, but a month after arrival Greene ran away and went back to Missouri. John Morton returned to Springfield, Missouri in September of 1862 and took Greene back into his possession. Morton stated, “I moved out to father’s farm—I took Greene with me when I moved out to the farm—Greene was shot & killed.”3

Wyatt Jarrett, one of the slaves involved in the dispute, testified in court on Jarrett’s behalf. Before the Emancipation Proclamation slaves were considered property and therefore, had no legal standing in the United States. Jarrett’s case showed the change within the legal system, which allowed for African-American testimony to be, submitted as valid evidence in legal proceedings.4

The way the swap was My master [Higdon R. Jarrett] was to Keep Greene [Green], and Mr [Joseph T.] Morton was to Keep me until Mr Morton came back to this country – And it was also agreed that when Mr Morton came back, That if Greene & Myself wished to stay as the swap then was, we could do so, if not we could go back to our old homes – My Master H.R. Jarrett & Mr J.T. Morton, made a swap & swapped back again, the way I understood it – that is, my Master H.R. Jarrett, swapped Greene back to Mr Morton for me – Mr J.T. Morton the deft told me that he & Mr H.R. Jarrett, had swapped me back to Mr H.R. Jarrett, for Greene.
- Higdon R. Jarrett vs. Joseph T. Morton, 1865-1868. S/F 32, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri, Deposition of Wyatt Jarrett, pg 2

Higdon R. Jarrett submitted his testimony to the court and explained that he was just seeking the difference between what he and Mr. Morton had agreed upon and what he was actually paid. However, he did not want payment in Confederate currency. It was virtually worthless and could be purchased for 10¢ on the dollar.5

The entire case hinged on Wyatt being profitable to Mr. Morton. Morton informed Jarrett that he would “pay him what was right” if Wyatt made him any money in Arkansas.6 Unfortunately, only worthless confederate currency was in circulation and since Morton was unable to find work for Wyatt that paid more than it cost to feed and clothe him, he did not believe he owed Jarrett any money because no profit was made. So, Jarrett brought suit against Morton to regain some of his financial losses.

Jarrett though appeared to try and receive double payment from Mr. Morton by settling the dispute outside of the court system, but then sued Mr. Morton over the same business deal. Once the judge became aware of this transaction he reversed the ruling of the court and dismissed the case stating “that if the plaintiff intended to rely on the action he brought in the Court he should have rescinded the Compromise entirely and returned the 50 dollars… he cannot bring this action whilst he recognizes the Compromise by keeping the 50 dollars. Judgment reversed and cause remanded.”7

This is a very confusing court case and the accuracy of the events that happened is questionable. Disputes over slave contracts and trades were common. They increased after the slaves were freed because many owners faced a significant loss in equity.8

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. Deposition of John A. Morton ,Higdon R. Jarrett vs. Joseph T. Morton, 1865-1868. S/F 32, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri, .
2. Higdon R. Jarrett Testimony. Dec. 1, 1866, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
3. John Morton Testimony. Dec. 1, 1866. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
4. Melissa Milewski, “From Slave to Litigant: African Americans in Court in the Post-Civil War South,” New York University, http://www.blackpast.org/?q=perspectives/slave-litigant-african-americans-court-post-civil-war-south
5. Higdon R. Jarrett Testimony. Dec. 1, 1866. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri. Pg 12.
6. Higdon R. Jarrett Testimony. Dec. 1, 1866. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri, Page 11
7. Higdon R. Jarrett vs. Joseph T. Morton, 1865-1868. S/F 32, Appeals, Dec. 1, 1866. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
8. The Civil War and Emancipation, “Africans in America”, PBS.org, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part4/4p2967.html

Maxwell Phillips recorded all facets of the official procedures and events that took place at Fort Gibson. Phillips described in his reports the obstacles the regiment faced; such as desertion, cattle rustling, and improper processing of paperwork. Phillips often had men desert only to return asking to rejoin the unit. He would petition his superiors to allow these men to return with some minimal form of punishment. Normally, in a time of peace the Army would never have accepted a deserter back into service. They would have been considered Absent-With-Out-Leave and considered a criminal but the Union Army needed every able-bodied man they could find, so they were willing to bend the rules, slightly, to make some exceptions. In March 1864, Phillips wrote to a commanding officer requesting that several of his men who had returned of their own accord be reinstated to the regiment.

Sir I hereby Send you the names of Men who have deserted from My Co’ (G) and have voluntarily returned and respectfully Request that they be restored to duty with loss of Pay and allowances during absence

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to A. Morton – Mar. 16, 1864

There were numerous hindrances that the soldiers assigned to Indian regiments dealt with on a daily basis. One of the most serious problems Phillips recorded was the theft of cattle from the Union supplies. With a scarcity of food, stolen supplies were a huge detriment to the survival of a regiment. He encouraged the support of local Native Americans to help with the procedure of finding the stolen cattle but it was difficult to prove who stole the cattle. This became even more difficult when higher ranking officers were giving permission or passes to incompetent men who came into the Indian Territory under the pretext of purchasing cattle legally, but they then stole the cattle from the Native Americans for their own financial gain. Occasionally, they even stole the cattle from the families of the Indian soldiers in Phillips own regiment.

I regret that I am Obliged to leave the State without being able to present; to You My business in person. I reported to Your Adjt General upon My Arrival, I have not been able to recover any Cattle: though I have found Several herds. I have reason to believe that persons who have Obtained passes or permits from you to purchase Stock in the Indian Nation have Abused the privelige Granted; and have Obtained the Stock by Stealing it

I examined a herd at Fort Scott [Kansas] of about 580 head of Cattle, in possession of one John McWhirt, I found Over 50 different Indian Brands both Creek and Cherokee, Some of the Stock being the property of Men in My Own Co’ the Greater portion of them being the property of Loyal Soldiers, who have not even been permitted to Sell their Stock, nor, in Many Cases, been permitted for Over two Years to leave the ranks to look after it, Some of the Stock was Contraband.

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to Samuel Ryan Curtis – Sep. 12, 1864

Communication was very difficult to maintain between soldiers in the Western Territory and their commanders back east in Missouri. The inefficiency of communication and the nature of the war led to confusion and misplacement of important documents. Phillips repeatedly requested confirmation that invoices and reports he had sent were received. He also requested information on several new soldiers he received, so that they could be properly mustered in to the unit.

Fort Gibson C.N. [Cherokee Nation] Nov 23d 1864 Lieut J. S. Lane [6th Kansas Cavalry] Act’ Asst Com’ of Musters Sir! I had three men Mustered into my Co’ by You on the 28th day of June 1864! Namely Fox Kenner, Rope, & Teacher, I Signed blank Muster in Rolls, that were to be filled out by You and forwarded to me. I have not Received them & desire to have the Record of the Muster Will You please to forward to me the Muster-in-Roll of these men as Early as possible

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to General Commanding District of the Frontier – Dec. 5, 1864

Phillips meticulously recorded the official procedures and events that took place within the Kansas and Indian Territories and how the problems faced by the men stationed there were different than what soldiers in Missouri and Arkansas encountered. His collection is unique in that it contains such a wide variety of documents. Not only do we have Phillips order books and official government documents including receipts and affidavits, but also included were educational materials he was personally studying.

Contributed by the Oklahoma Historical Society

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1. Maxwell Phillips, Ancestry.com. Official records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 1861-1865 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2008.
2. Oklahoma Historical Society, “Indian Home Guards”, Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/I/IN010.html
3. Frederick H. Dyer, . A COMPENDIUM OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 3 Volumes. New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1959.
4. William G. Cutler’s, “State History, Part 18”, History of the State of Kansas, http://www.kancoll.org/books/cutler/sthist/milrec-p18.html

On January 11, 1865, the Missouri state convention, meeting in St. Louis, and debated passage of a new state constitution. Emancipation, Negro suffrage, and Charles Drake’s proposed “iron-clad oath” were the core issues at the convention. The oath required individuals to attest to his/her innocence of eighty-six acts of disloyalty against the state of Missouri and the Union. These acts ranged from providing money, goods, or intelligence to the enemy; to taking up arms; participating in guerrilla warfare, aiding or abetting guerrillas. Even expressing general sympathy towards the South, or specific individuals that fought for the Southern cause, would be seen as acts of disloyalty. Failing to take this oath would prevent one from voting, holding a public office, and from holding professional licenses such as lawyers, teachers, clergy, and other influential positions.

It is unknown if Roberts refused or failed to take the oath, which was seen as an automatic admission of guilt. The guilty party could be fined or imprisoned. Robert’s southern background and her failure to take the oath before she began teaching probably looked suspicious to government officials. The final verdict of the case is unknown, but the case represents the hard political backlash the war had on civilians in Missouri.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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Contributed by the Jasper County Records Center

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