Spies and Scouts were used to gather valuable information from the opposing military side, the location and movement of enemy regiments and their strength in numbers. Through his numerous and faithful scouts and spies, General Nathaniel Lyon learned of the concentration of Southern troops at Cassville and their intention to march on Springfield. Major R.K. Hart reported to the Republican in July 1913 that he had been a spy for General Lyon in Raines’ camp near Dug Springs, prior to the Battle of Wilson Creek.2 It was his duty to find out the number of men at the Confederate camp and the course of their direction. A Union spy known only as “Three”, later identified as Charles A. McNair did reconnaissance work on General Sterling Price’s army in Southwest Missouri and reported his finding to John D. Perry, stating that, “Sir I have just returned from a thorough trip through South West Missouri – was in the camps of the rebels his men are tolerably well clad, McCulloch was in Springfield on Friday last, with not exceeding 7000 men, perhaps not more than 3 or 4000. Price’s Men have no confidence in him & don’t think he wants to fight – they curse him all the time & say he has done nothing since the 10th August but eat up the substance of the state. The South West is nearly depopulated”.3

Some of the most prominent and finest spies for both sides were women, like Mary Ann Pittman, who dressed like a Confederate Lieutenant named Rawley, joined General Nathan Forrest, accompanying him through Tennessee and Mississippi.4 Disguises, alias, diversions, and secrecy were all weapons spies and scouts used to conduct their business during the war. Eventually, she revealed her female identity to Forrest in which he laughed and said she made quite a good looking woman. Forrest cautioned her to let this secret go no further, and believed “success would be more certain if she appeared as a woman dressed herself in a suit of female apparel.…” and then sent her off on a mission..5 Under the name “Mollie Hayes,” Pittman spied and smuggled goods for the Confederacy. As “Mollie Hayes,” Pittman visited St. Louis and gained information on Union troops and fortifications.

Pittman eventually concluded that the Confederacy would loose the war and allowed herself to be captured by General Lionel Booth’s troops. While at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, she informed Booth of Forrest’s pending attack with 4,000 men. Realizing her value, Acting Provost Marshall Genreral Joseph Darr Jr. petitioned to use Pittman as a spy for the Union. He stated, “she can be trusted and would be a proper person to send to [Sterling] Price’s Camp.”.6 In January 1865, Major General Grenville Dodge provided Pittman a pass through Federal lines, allowing her to begin her mission for the United States government. That April, Pittman served as a Union spy reporting information on Sterling Price, as well as bushwhackers, Samuel Hildebrand and Alfred Bolin.

Two other valuable allies for the U.S. government were Native Americans and freed African-Americans. Many pro-union refugees from Indian Territory entered southern Kansas to escape conscription and aggression of Confederate Native Americans on the tribal lands. Their presence in Kansas and proximity to Indian Territory encouraged Kansas regiments to employee Native American scouts and spies. Fall Leaf, a Native American scout, and ten of his men were employed to gather intelligence from Rebel soldiers in Kansas and Indian Territory.7 The Union also used freed African Americans for reconnaissance work. In one extreme case, two black men returned to Dixie acting as slaves to gather information about African American kidnapping rings in Tennessee.

These men and women risked their lives in gathering intelligence for the United States. If caught spies were automatically accused of treason and sentenced to death. Some informants such as J. H. Oreton, of Webster County, and Katie Smith, were identified by and attacked in their homes. This collection is contributed by the National Archive and Records Center, and focuses on Union intelligence efforts. The Confederacy intelligence network is documented in other individual collections. Researchers are encouraged to consult other collections within Community & Conflict for additional information on scouts and spies from the region.

Contributed by the National Archives and Records Administration
Photocopies Contribiuted by Mine Creek Battlefield, Kansas State Historic Site.

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1. “Historical Times Encyclopedia of the Civil War” Edited by Patricia L. Faust, Article by Edward G. Longacre. updated 15 December 2002, accessed 22 November 2010, http://www.civilwarhome.com/espionage.htm
2. “Scout Tells of Incidents of Terrific Battle in Ozarks”, Republican, Vol. XXII, No. 179, July 1913, pg 1.
3. Charles A. McNair Letter to John D. Perry.  Nov. 28, 1861, Entry 36, Correspondence, Reports, Appointments, and Other Records Relating to Individual Scouts, Guides, Spies, and Detectives; Records of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau (Civil War), RG 110; National Archives and Records Administration, Washington DC. pg 2 & 3
4. Joseph Darr,Jr. Letter to Frank Bond. Oct. 21, 1864, Entry 36, Correspondence, Reports, Appointments, and Other Records Relating to Individual Scouts, Guides, Spies, and Detectives; Records of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau (Civil War), RG 110; National Archives and Records Administration, Washington DC. pg 4
5. Joseph Darr,Jr. Letter to Frank Bond. Oct. 21, 1864, Entry 36, Correspondence, Reports, Appointments, and Other Records Relating to Individual Scouts, Guides, Spies, and Detectives; Records of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau (Civil War), RG 110; National Archives and Records Administration, Washington DC. pg 3
6. Joseph Darr,Jr. Letter to Frank Bond. Oct. 21, 1864, Entry 36, Correspondence, Reports, Appointments, and Other Records Relating to Individual Scouts, Guides, Spies, and Detectives; Records of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau (Civil War), RG 110; National Archives and Records Administration, Washington DC. pg 1
7. Robert J. Roe Letter to John E. Tappan. May 27, 1865. Entry 31, Correspondence, Reports, Accounts, and Related Records of Two or More Scouts, Spies, and Detectives; Records of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau (Civil War), RG 110; National Archives and Records Administration, Washington DC.

Comparison between slave records may provide an interesting study on the value of human property and the fluctuation of slave trade as the Civil War progressed. Researchers are encouraged to consult other slave records located in the Community & Conflict collection.

Contributed by the The History Museum for Springfield-Greene County

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The Cass Township Slave schedule cites the number of slaves and slave owners residing in the Greene County Township in 1863. This unique record provides a census of slavery in the middle of the Civil War. A Federal slave schedule was completed in 1860, providing a census of slaves and slave owners before the War. The emancipation of slaves prevented a post-war slave schedule from being completed. The historic value of this document resides in its comparison with the 1860 schedule and other slavery documents from Greene County. Through this comparison, researchers may draw conclusions about the impact the war, the Emancipation Proclamation and other events possibly had on number of slave owners and slaves in Greene County, Missouri.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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Introduction
1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry

The 1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry was one of the earliest African-American regiments organized during the Civil War. This regimental order book documents correspondences, general orders and special orders between 1863 and 1864. During this period the 1st Kansas Colored was stationed in southeastern Kansas, southwestern Missouri, western Arkansas and Indian Territory, Oklahoma.

In October 1862, soldiers from the regiment engaged Rebel troops at the Battle of Island Mound in Bates County, MO. This skirmish earned them the distinction of the first African-American troops from a northern state to see action as soldiers. The 1st Kansas Colored became seasoned veterans by the end of the war, participating in several battles and engagements. On December 13, 1864, the 1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry was re-designated as the 79th U.S. Colored Troops.

Original Documents Retained at the National Archives and Records Administration.

Photocopies Contributed by Mine Creek Battlefield, Kansas State Historic Site.

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RESOLVED by the National Committee and Council, that all free negroes coming into the Cherokee Nation, under any pretense whatsoever, shall be viewed and treated, in every respect, as intruders, and shall not be allowed to reside in the Cherokee Nation without a permit from the National Committee and Council.1

When the Civil War began in 1861, the Cherokee Nation found itself with divided sentiment. Leader of the National Party, John Ross, supported strict neutrality. While the Old Ridge party, led by Stand Watie declared support for the Confederacy.2 In July 1861, Watie organized the First Cherokee Mounted Rifles near Fort Wayne and he was promoted to Colonel. He took command of his companies and departed for Missouri to join the Confederate war effort. Over the summer the Confederacy secured victories at the Battles of Bulls Run and Wilson’s Creek, which perhaps persuaded further support for the Confederacy. Towards the end of August the Cherokee Executive Council met and elected to join the Confederacy. On October 7, 1861 the Cherokee Nation signed a treaty with the Confederacy at Tahlequah. The tribe dissolved all treaties with the Federal Government, and later the Chicksaw, Choctaw, Creek and Seminole tribes also gave their allegiance to the Confederacy.

After the Confederate defeat at the Battle of Prairie Grove on December 7, 1862 the Union Army moved into Indian Territory. Union and Native American troops burned the Confederate Command Post at Fort Davis forcing Confederate army to retreat south. On February 20, 1863 the Cherokee tribe called an emergency session of the National Council at Cow Skin Prairie and revoked the treaty with the Confederacy. They pledged their allegiance to the Union, removed all Confederates from office, emancipated slavery and reaffirmed Ross as the Principal Chief.3 The Union army took control over Fort Gibson in April 1863, and began fighting Confederate Indian raiding parties over control of the territory. Brig. General Stand Watie was the last Confederate General to surrender during the War. He finally signed a peace treaty at Doaksville, Indian Territory on June 23, 1865.

After the War, the Cherokee Nation signed a reconstruction treaty on July 19, 1866 which stated,

The Cherokee Nation having, voluntarily, in February, eighteen hundred and sixty-three, by an act of the National Council, forever abolished slavery, hereby covenant and agree that never hereafter shall either slavery or involuntary servitude exist in their Nation… They further agree that all freedmen who have been liberated by voluntary act of their former owners, or by law, as well as all free colored persons who were in the country at the commencement of the rebellion, and are now residents therein, or who may return within six months, and their descendants, shall have all the rights of native Cherokees.4

The Act to Define the Status of Freedmen and their Descendants, written after 1880, sought to establish the rights and privileges of African Americans within the Cherokee Nation. The document defined freedmen as those who resided in the Cherokee Nation at the commencement of the American Civil War, those who were at that time slaves of any Cherokee or other citizen, those who were liberated by voluntary act or by law, and those who had not return to the Cherokee country within the time specified within the Treaty of 1866. These men became adopted citizens of the Cherokee Nation, and were granted the corresponding rights and privileges as adopted citizens.

they are hereby Entitled to all the rights and amunities of adopted Citizens of the Cherokee Nation, as here in after defined. That no distinction of rights or privileges shall be deemed to exist between the Colored Citizens of the Cherokee Nation by operation of art 9 of the treaty of 1866 and those who are made citizens by the operations of the preceding section of this act

-Act to Define the Status of Freedmen and their Descendants

The legal status and rights of Cherokee Freedmen has been an ongoing political and tribal dispute since 1866. The Freedmen and their descendants were considered Cherokee citizens until the early 1980s, when the Cherokee Nation’s administration stripped them of voting rights and citizenship for more than two decades. In March 2006, the Cherokee Nation’s courts ruled that the descendants of the Cherokee Freedmen were allowed to register and become enrolled citizens of the Cherokee Nation. However, Principal Chief Chad “Corntassel” Smith, one of the most vocal opponents of the Freedmen’s citizenship, wanted to amend the constitution to exclude their citizenship entirely. After circulating a petition, Chief Smith called an emergency election to settle the issue. As a result, the descendants of Freedmen were stripped of their citizenship, but they have continued to press for recognition within Cherokee Nation.5

Contributed by the University of Tulsa Special Collections and University Archives

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1. J.B. Davis, “Slavery in the Cherokee Nation,” Chronicles of Oklahoma, Vol. 11, No. 4, December, 1933, Oklahoma Historical Society, accessed October 20, 2010, pg 1064 http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v011/v011p1056.html.
2. James Mooney, History, Myths, and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Fairview, NC: Bright Mountain Books, Inc, 1992), pg 148.
3. http://www.cherokee.org/Culture/71/Page/default.aspx
4. J.B. Davis, “Slavery in the Cherokee Nation,” Chronicles of Oklahoma, Vol. 11, No. 4, December, 1933, Oklahoma Historical Society, accessed October 20, 2010, pg1071 http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v011/v011p1056.html.
5. “Putting to a Vote the Question ‘Who Is Cherokee?’,” The New York Times, March 3, 2007.

Alfred Dexter Morgan a native of Chicago, Illinois, enlisted in Company D, Illinois 17th Cavalry on March 24, 1864 and was promoted to full Sergeant before he was mustered out on December 20, 1865.1 The 17th Illinois Cavalry Volunteers trekked across the Missouri landscape engaging Confederate soldiers, serving as military escorts, and acting as provost guards. Morgan documents his travels from Glasgow, Moberly, Centralia, Fayetteville, MO, and recorded news of various engagements.

The 17th Illinois Cavalry’s proximity to central Missouri placed them in an area known for guerrilla warfare. The prominent guerrilla band in the area was William Anderson’s gangs. William “Bloody Bill” Anderson was one of the most notorious guerrilla fighters of the Civil War. Having lived in Missouri during the period known as “Bleeding Kansas,” Anderson and his family were familiar with the horrors of conflict. Anderson began his full on campaign against the Union army in August 1863 in revenge for his sisters who were injured and killed a Kansas City jail that had collapsed. Union soldiers imprisoned the Anderson girls, for aiding their brother. Anderson and his gang terrorized Missouri and Kansas, plundering civilians homes and killing indiscriminately. Anderson earned the nickname Bloody Bill from the uncivilized tactics he used during conflict, the display of scalps on his horse’s bridle evidence of his cruelty. On September 23, 1864 Morgan received orders to Rocheport, Missouri. While in route he encountered Jim Anderson, Bloody Bill’s brother.

found Jim Anderson and 6 of his gang on the route give him chase killed him and 5 of his men, Jim is a brother of Bill the great thief and the daring chief of his Bushwhackers…. If billy Anderson gets me and this Book he will Scalp me
Alfred D. Morgan, 1864 Diary,  pg 3

On the morning of September 27, Anderson attacked Centralia. While waiting for the train, Bloody Bill and his gang terrorized local civilians, robbing and burning stores. The bushwhackers robbed all the passengers on the train, taking 23 unarmed Union soldiers who were on furlough, and killing them on the spot. Morgan and his company witnessed the horrific scene as they passed through the town,“we pass on and find that at Centralia Anderson killed 187 more; we camped here, burned the town. I wish we had Anderson we would burn him sure.”2

In September 1864, Sterling Price also began his raid into Missouri. Price’s ultimate goal was to regain Missouri for the Confederacy, however above all else the Confederacy needed men. Even if he had to retreat from Missouri, the expedition would be successful if a sizeable number of recruits were brought into the army. Morgan reported a rumor that, “it is supposed that Anderson and his Scalpers are with Price ….”3 Anderson and approximately one hundred guerrillas under his command did attempt to join Price’s party; however, the human scalps taken at the Centralia Massacre two weeks earlier were still proudly displayed on the horses of Anderson’s men. Horrified, Price refused to ride with Anderson until they were discarded. Price instead ordered Anderson to destroy bridges along the North Missouri Railroad. Union soldiers throughout the region were on high alert and ready to fight Price and his forces to drive them out of Missouri once and for all. Morgan and his company engaged Price on October 9, 1864.

Started in pursuit of Price,, follow all day, come up to his rear guard, have some Skirmishing on the road. he retreats one of the mo. Lieuts is killed on the road. Price, retreats we chase up close to his rear guard, overtake him at a town called, California we have a small fight here, our shells do good execution.
Alfred D. Morgan, 1864 Diary, pg 18 & 19

Many in Morgan’s regiment were excited at the prospect of war and fighting. The thrill of the fight was alive in many a young men’s hearts. That is until the reality of war confronted them head on, and as Morgan wrote in his diary, he saw no joy in fighting as he heard the “sad and disgusting” stories fellow soldiers told while camped in Springfield, MO in October 1864. Morgan feared retribution for William Anderson. Morgan’s company killed Anderson’s brother, and Morgan wrote in his diary, “If billy Anderson gets me and this Book he will Scalp me but I defy him and I will kill him if I can.”4 Those fears ceased when Anderson band of bushwhackers was ambushed by Union soldiers on October 26, 1864. Anderson was killed during the engagement and eventually beheaded.

Morgan wrote in two diaries. His first diary ends in November 1864, and depicts the eagerness of young soldiers willing to join the war and the devastating realities these men actually faced. Yet through harsh conditions and bloody battles Morgan’s patriotism and sense of duty never wavered. He wrote, “I shall fall for the right, for friends I love, and my Country, the Rebs, cannot whip us up, big hurrah for our old flag liberty.”5 Morgan’s second diary, written from January 1865 to January 1866, is less descriptive and mentions weather conditions, orders and men in his company. Morgan was aware of the dangers he faced, but kept his diary as a testament for future generations to remember his actions.

Contributed by the University of Tulsa Special Collections and University Archives

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1. Historical Data Systems, comp.. U.S. Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2009.
2. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
3. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
4. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
5. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.

As southern states started to secede from the Union, political tension within Missouri rose. Union Gen. Nathaniel Lyon marched from St. Louis to Jefferson City to confront the pro-Confederate Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson. Jackson, however, vacated the state capitol and marched southward with the Missouri State Guard. Lyon split his force with the intention of cutting off the guardsmen, preventing the arrival of reinforcements from Arkansas and defusing pro-southern sympathies among Missouri civilians. Union and Southern forces meet outside of Carthage on July 5th in what has been noted as one of the first serious ground conflicts between Union and Confederate troops. Reports indicate that many of the southern soldiers did not have weapons, nor were they properly trained for combat. On paper the Union forces retained the advantage, better muskets and better training, yet they were outnumbered nearly six to one.1

Around 8:30am opposing forces exchanged fire approximately eight miles north of Carthage. The MSG took position on the high ground between Dry Creek and North Fork, overlooking the position occupied by Union forces.2 Both sides unleashed artillery barrages, and Thomas noted the booming sound of the cannon fire in his memoir.

State troops filed to the left of the road formed in order of battle, plantng the cannon on the side of the hill with their infantry to support them. when ready the order was given and off went the misiles of death and distruction from the cannons mouth. with the loud roar of distant thunder, in quick succession roar followed roar from each battery and we could see at every fire the state battery made, a swarth open through the columns of the federal troops and again and again discover the officer rally the men, but again and again would the state cannon belch fourth death among them untill they fled
Archy Thomas – Battle of Carthage Memoir, n.d.

The battle progressed into Carthage, and soon house-to-house fighting erupted. Thomas was wounded in the arm, and many of the buildings in Carthage were damaged during the close quarter engagements. Thomas reported the zealous nature of rebel women in Carthage by saying, “One lady running out when the balls were flying thick and heavy shouting hurra for Jef Davis Liberty and independence forever down with the dutch.”3 The Union Troops comprised primarily of German soldiers, and were led by Colonel Franz Sigel. “Dutch” was a common term used to describe the Germans. After nightfall, Sigel and his men were able to retreat to Sarcoxie, MO and elude the much larger Confederate force.

Both sides claimed victory in what was one of the largest engagements yet of the Civil War. Sigel was commended for confronting an overwhelming number of enemy soldiers, while Jackson and Sterling Price took advantage of the Federal retreat to organize and arm their men. Archy Thomas documented these notable events and preserved a rare first-hand account of one of the earliest battles of the Civil War.

The above is about what I saw and heard of course I cannot pretend to give all that was done or said as I could not be at both ends of a large army at once.
- An eye witness of the battle.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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1. Phillip Steel and Steve Cottrell. Civil War in the Ozarks. (Gretna: Pelican Publishing Company, 1993), 17.
2. Ward Schrantz, “The Battle of Carthage,” in The Missouri Historical Review vol. 31 (Columbia: State Historical Society of Missouri, 1936), 144.
3. Archy Thomas. “Civil War Battle of Carthage Memoir.” n.d., R167. The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA, 4.

John Polk Campbell was one of the first pioneers of European ancestry to settle in present day Springfield, Missouri. The Campbell family was instrumental in the establishment of Springfield and Greene County. As Springfield grew, so did the Campbell’s prosperity. On August 11, 1851, John created his last will and testament, bequeathing all of his “property, real & personal, monies and effects” to Louisa T. Campbell, his “dearly beloved wife.”1 With Springfield firmly established, John began to explore southward into Indian Territory and Texas. He eventually died on May 28, 1852 in Oil Springs, Cherokee Nation.2

After John’s death, Louisa attempted to secure his property and entered into a dispute over a mulatto girl named Margaret with Samuel Sproul. Louisa claimed Sproul wrongfully and unjustly detained the girl, even though she was rightfully left to Louisa through John’s will. Sproul responded that he had been the girl’s true owner since 1850, as she was a gift from John Polk Campbell to him and his wife, Mary. Mary Frances Sproul was the second daughter of John and Louisa, and was the first Caucasian female to be born in present day Springfield. Mary and Samuel lived in Greenfield and had no children.

The family unsuccessfully tried to settle the disagreement outside of the court system. In June 1855, Leonidas Campbell, John and Louisa’s son, visited his sister’s home and demanded they turn over the slave. Samuel refused, so Leonidas kidnapped her. He grabbed Margaret and rode back towards Springfield with her on the back of his horse. Samuel chased after Leonidas, and was able to reclaim Margaret and brought her back to his home.

Unable to settle the dispute, Louisa sued Samuel for $1,000 in damages and custody of the girl. On March 11, 1856, the court authorized Louisa T. Campbell to “collect and secure all and singular the goods & chattels rights and credits which were of the said John P. Campbell at the time of his death in whomsever hand and possession the same may be found….” This disagreement over Magaret did not split the Campbell family, but this case represents the circumstances many civilians faced before the Civil War. Rivalry over property, debt, murder and other preexisting issues often fueled feelings of revenge and hatred causing the Civil War to become even more personal and violent then it was already destine to become.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. John Polk Campbell Will, 11 August 1851, Campbell vs. Sproul, 1855. African America Circuit Court, Folder 10. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
2. “Lucy M’Cammon’s Home, Built in 1851, Holds Memories of Civil War Visitors” in The Springfield Leader, 3 June 1932, pg 15.

John Polk Campbell was one of the first pioneers of European ancestry to settle in present day Springfield, Missouri; however, there are discrepancies among the historical records indicating the exact year Campbell ventured into the area. Some historians believe Campbell did not come until 1829 or 1830, while family records indicate he came to southwest Missouri as early as 1825. John Polk Campbell was the fifth child of John Campbell and Matilda Golden Polk. John Polk was born in North Carolina in 1804, and his family moved to Tennessee when he was three years old. When the Campbell boys reached adulthood, they wanted land of their own, and explored outside of well settled Maury County, Tennessee.

In 1825 my grandfather, John Polk Campbell with his brother, Madison, a cousin, and several other young men, went on a prospecting trip to Southwest Missouri, a country then peopled by the Kickapoo and Cherokee Indians.

Louisa (Lulu) Cheairs McKenny Sheppard – A Confederate Girlhood

The settlers encountered a tribe of Kickapoo Indians encamped along the James River. A young boy from the tribe was gravely ill, and John Polk offered to assist with his recovery. He gave the boy simple herbs which eventually lifted the boy’s fever and brought him back to full health. The Kickapoo Chieftain gave John Polk a tract of land to the north of their village near a large spring as a token of his gratitude. According to Lulu, granddaughter of John Polk and Louisa Campbell, John Polk built a small log cabin near the spring and began a small farm.

In 1827, John Polk returned to Tennessee and married Louisa Terrell Cheairs on May 28.1 John and Louisa traveled to Missouri, but lived there for only a short period as Louisa became pregnant with the couple’s first child. John and Louisa questioned giving birth in the rural regions of southwest Missouri, and returned to Tennessee for the birth of Talitha Caroline. According to the family, John Polk left his wife and child in Tennessee and returned to Missouri. In October 1829, John returned to his family to escort them back to their new home.

Before John Polk left Missouri, he hired two men to clear timber for construction of a larger cabin near the spring. He carved his initials into an ash tree to mark the land and location of the new cabin. On his way to Tennessee he stopped at William Fulbright’s house in Rolla. Fulbright and John Polk were friends from Tennessee, and John told him about the ample springs and land in the southwest region of the state. John continued on to Tennessee where he was welcomed by his family and friends. As they prepared to leave, several friends and family members decided to join the Campbells as they set off towards Missouri. The party arrived in Missouri in March 1830, and John Polk found his lumber had been constructed into a cabin near his spring.2

After Campbell left Rolla, Fulbright and his brother-in-law, A. J. Burnett, decided to move to the area. They found the pile of lumber, and presuming the materials to be abandoned, built a cabin. John Polk showed Burnett his initials on the ash tree near the spring which marked his property. Burnett turned over the cabin, and both families worked together to build homes for everyone as they started a community in rural southwest Missouri.

Over the years John Polk built several houses. Each house was vacated for new settlers to inherit. The Campbell’s second child, Mary Francis, was born in 1831 and was the first white female born in the area. The settlers traded with the Native Americans in the region and began to stockpile goods in their homes. In 1833, John Polk donated fifty acres for the construction of a town, with two acres designated as the public square. Lots were sold to new settlers and John Polk began the organization of the county. He appointed his family members as county officials to assist with the establishment of Greene County. By 1835, approximately 500 people lived in Springfield which included five Campbell brothers, one sister and their mother, Matilda Golden Polk Campbell. Springfield was finally incorporated into a town in 1838.3 As Springfield grew John Polk began to explore new territory in Texas and Indian Territory, current day Oklahoma. John Pol died on May 28, 1852 in Oil Springs, Cherokee Nation.4

John Polk and Louisa had ten children: Talitha Caroline, Mary Frances, John Nathaniel, Leonidas Adolphus, Sarah Rush, James Cheairs, Thomas Polk, Samuel Independence, Constantine and William Argyll.5 John Polk outlived two of his children, who succumbed to diseases at an early age. Four of his sons fought in the Civil War, two of which died. The Campbell family supported the Confederacy, and they owned a number of slaves both in Springfield and on their Mississippi plantations near Vicksburg. Lulu was a young girl during the Civil War, but she recorded her memories of the family’s experiences in “A Confederate Girlhood.” After Union forces secured Springfield, the Campbell’s were forced from their home and they sought refuge on family land in Tennessee and Mississippi. After the war, Louisa and Sarah Rush came back to Springfield, but the Springfield they returned to was vastly different from the one they left. Much of the family’s property lost during the war was never regained, and Louisa died trying to rebuild their life.

The Campbell-McCammon Collection consists of letters written between friends and family members from 1861 through 1872. Included is Louisa T. Campbell’s exile order from Springfield, Missouri, several letters reflecting on the war’s impact on the family and letters written by former family slaves.

Contributed by the The History Museum for Springfield-Greene County

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1. Charles Sheppard, “Watch Out! The Campbells are Coming.” John Polk Campbell vertical file, Springfield-Greene County Library Center, 1-5.
2. Sheppard, “Watch Out! The Campbells are Coming,” 6.
3. Sheppard, “Watch Out! The Campbells are Coming,” 8-12.
4. “Lucy MCammon’s Home, Built in 1851, Holds Memories of Civil War Visitors” in The Springfield Leader 3 June 1932, 15.
5. “Genealogies of Some Early Springfield Families,” Ozar’kin, vol. 1, no. 1, (Spring 1979), 27.

Maxwell Phillips recorded all facets of the official procedures and events that took place at Fort Gibson. Phillips described in his reports the obstacles the regiment faced; such as desertion, cattle rustling, and improper processing of paperwork. Phillips often had men desert only to return asking to rejoin the unit. He would petition his superiors to allow these men to return with some minimal form of punishment. Normally, in a time of peace the Army would never have accepted a deserter back into service. They would have been considered Absent-With-Out-Leave and considered a criminal but the Union Army needed every able-bodied man they could find, so they were willing to bend the rules, slightly, to make some exceptions. In March 1864, Phillips wrote to a commanding officer requesting that several of his men who had returned of their own accord be reinstated to the regiment.

Sir I hereby Send you the names of Men who have deserted from My Co’ (G) and have voluntarily returned and respectfully Request that they be restored to duty with loss of Pay and allowances during absence

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to A. Morton – Mar. 16, 1864

There were numerous hindrances that the soldiers assigned to Indian regiments dealt with on a daily basis. One of the most serious problems Phillips recorded was the theft of cattle from the Union supplies. With a scarcity of food, stolen supplies were a huge detriment to the survival of a regiment. He encouraged the support of local Native Americans to help with the procedure of finding the stolen cattle but it was difficult to prove who stole the cattle. This became even more difficult when higher ranking officers were giving permission or passes to incompetent men who came into the Indian Territory under the pretext of purchasing cattle legally, but they then stole the cattle from the Native Americans for their own financial gain. Occasionally, they even stole the cattle from the families of the Indian soldiers in Phillips own regiment.

I regret that I am Obliged to leave the State without being able to present; to You My business in person. I reported to Your Adjt General upon My Arrival, I have not been able to recover any Cattle: though I have found Several herds. I have reason to believe that persons who have Obtained passes or permits from you to purchase Stock in the Indian Nation have Abused the privelige Granted; and have Obtained the Stock by Stealing it

I examined a herd at Fort Scott [Kansas] of about 580 head of Cattle, in possession of one John McWhirt, I found Over 50 different Indian Brands both Creek and Cherokee, Some of the Stock being the property of Men in My Own Co’ the Greater portion of them being the property of Loyal Soldiers, who have not even been permitted to Sell their Stock, nor, in Many Cases, been permitted for Over two Years to leave the ranks to look after it, Some of the Stock was Contraband.

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to Samuel Ryan Curtis – Sep. 12, 1864

Communication was very difficult to maintain between soldiers in the Western Territory and their commanders back east in Missouri. The inefficiency of communication and the nature of the war led to confusion and misplacement of important documents. Phillips repeatedly requested confirmation that invoices and reports he had sent were received. He also requested information on several new soldiers he received, so that they could be properly mustered in to the unit.

Fort Gibson C.N. [Cherokee Nation] Nov 23d 1864 Lieut J. S. Lane [6th Kansas Cavalry] Act’ Asst Com’ of Musters Sir! I had three men Mustered into my Co’ by You on the 28th day of June 1864! Namely Fox Kenner, Rope, & Teacher, I Signed blank Muster in Rolls, that were to be filled out by You and forwarded to me. I have not Received them & desire to have the Record of the Muster Will You please to forward to me the Muster-in-Roll of these men as Early as possible

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to General Commanding District of the Frontier – Dec. 5, 1864

Phillips meticulously recorded the official procedures and events that took place within the Kansas and Indian Territories and how the problems faced by the men stationed there were different than what soldiers in Missouri and Arkansas encountered. His collection is unique in that it contains such a wide variety of documents. Not only do we have Phillips order books and official government documents including receipts and affidavits, but also included were educational materials he was personally studying.

Contributed by the Oklahoma Historical Society

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1. Maxwell Phillips, Ancestry.com. Official records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 1861-1865 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2008.
2. Oklahoma Historical Society, “Indian Home Guards”, Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/I/IN010.html
3. Frederick H. Dyer, . A COMPENDIUM OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 3 Volumes. New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1959.
4. William G. Cutler’s, “State History, Part 18”, History of the State of Kansas, http://www.kancoll.org/books/cutler/sthist/milrec-p18.html