Introduction
1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry

The 1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry was one of the earliest African-American regiments organized during the Civil War. This regimental order book documents correspondences, general orders and special orders between 1863 and 1864. During this period the 1st Kansas Colored was stationed in southeastern Kansas, southwestern Missouri, western Arkansas and Indian Territory, Oklahoma.

In October 1862, soldiers from the regiment engaged Rebel troops at the Battle of Island Mound in Bates County, MO. This skirmish earned them the distinction of the first African-American troops from a northern state to see action as soldiers. The 1st Kansas Colored became seasoned veterans by the end of the war, participating in several battles and engagements. On December 13, 1864, the 1st Kansas Colored Volunteer Infantry was re-designated as the 79th U.S. Colored Troops.

Original Documents Retained at the National Archives and Records Administration.

Photocopies Contributed by Mine Creek Battlefield, Kansas State Historic Site.

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On January 11, 1865, the Missouri state convention met in St. Louis. They passed an emancipation ordinance immediately freeing all slaves in Missouri, and discussed the central issue of disfranchisement of anyone with questionable loyalties to the Union. Delegates explored creation of additional constitutional amendments to enforce these disfranchisement policies and even developing an entirely new constitution.

The disfranchisement of the “rebel” presence from the state became a major undertaking at the state convention and a focus of civilians throughout the state. An “iron-clad oath” was added to the new state constitution that required individuals to attest to his/her innocence of eighty-six acts of disloyalty against the state of Missouri and the Union. These acts ranged from providing money, goods, or intelligence to the enemy; to taking up arms; participating in guerrilla warfare, aiding or abetting guerrillas. Even expressing general sympathy the South, or specific individuals that fought for the Southern cause, would be seen as acts of disloyalty. Failing to take this oath would prevent one from voting, holding a public office, and from holding professional licenses such as lawyers, teachers, clergy, and other influential positions.

In February 1865, A. Halley wrote his daughter in Calhoun, Missouri regarding the sale of confederate property in the region. Halley forewarned his daughter that Captain Henry Jennings was “assessing the property of the copperheads in this county to pay the loss.”1 The term copperhead was slang used during the Civil War for a northerner sympathetic to the southern cause.2 Proceeds from the property liquidation would be given to civilians to cover depredation restitution from guerrilla warfare. Civilians in Missouri faced ten years of depredation caused by bushwhackers and soldiers. Many of the post war years were spent by Missourians in court attempting to claim retribution for damages caused during the war.

Contributed by the Bushwhacker Museum and Jail

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1. A. Halley, Letter to Daughter. Feb. 15, 1865. Bushwhacker Museum, Nevada, Missouri.
2. Civil War Era Slang and Terms: A Writer’s Guide for the American Civil War, “Copperhead”, Compiled by G. M. Atwater, March 2005, accessed 9 November 2010, http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~poindexterfamily/CivilWar.html

Amanda and family lived in Jasper County, Missouri before the war. They moved to Missouri sometime before 1855, and owned a small amount of land, which Austin cultivated. In early August 1861, Austin and his brother-in-law James McLahlan were along the head of Little North Fork in Barton County, Missouri. The 26 defendants surrounded the men and took them prisoner. The men were held for twenty hours against their will, before they were brought onto John R. Cabiness’ land, a Union man who lived in Jasper County. Austin asked one of the defendants, John R Chenault, to let him go. Chenault refused stating, “they would make an example of him.” The men threw a rope over a tree branch a half mile from Cabiness’ home and placed a noose around Austin’s neck. Two men pulled on the rope lifting Austin from the ground, while the rest of the party held the rope until he was dead. James was six feet from his sister’s brother when he died.4

Since the suit included numerous defendants, the proceedings were very long and tedious. All of the defendants proclaimed their innocence and believed the case should be dismissed for a various reasons which included the, “Damages for which said action is brought did not arise from the Commission of a felony or misdemeanor done by this Defendant and Because there is no revenue Stamp affixed to the original papers and process filed in said suit.”5

After a change in venue, the testimony of the individuals involved in the case were submitted to the court. One of the defendants, William Board explained that he could not have partaken in the murder because he was not even in the town when it occurred. While several witnesses testified on the behalf of the defendants there were also witnesses for the plaintiff, including the testimony of James McLahlan and Nelson Knight. Knight was taken prisoner by the Defendants in 1862. At that time John Newman, one of the defendants, boasted, “We have hung Austin Ireland a brother-in law of that damned Black republican James McLahlan’s.”6

Through the graphic testimonies of the witnesses, Amanda Ireland and her attorney’s learned that Austin’s political affiliation was not the only reason why he was murdered. Austin was killed in retaliation for the killing of the defendant’s friend, a Mr. Broom. Allegedly, Austin admitted to the men before he was hung that he stood guard as others robbed Broom’s store, during which encounter Broom was killed. The 26 defendants held a mock trial, with Chenault acting as the judge, and found Austin “guilty.”7

In July 1865, Abraham Ireland, Austin’s Uncle also filed a lawsuit against several of the same defendants. He claimed the men stole and damaged his property and set fire to his farm. Abraham sought damages up to ten thousand dollars, claiming the men stole:

One Horse saddle and bridle of the value of One Hundred and Fifty Dollars One other horse a stallion of the value of Two hundred Dollars one Rifle gun of the value of Twenty Dollars Ten head of Cattle of the value of Two Hundred Dollars one other horse of the value of Fifty Dollars and also a large amount of wheat corn and Rye & Hay of the value of Two Hundred Dollars also about one Hundred head of hogs there being not less than one hundred head of hogs of the value of Three Hundred Dollars.
Abraham Ireland, Order of Publication. 25 Jul. 1865

As in the Amanda Ireland case, the men denied any wrongdoing and submitted their petitions to dismiss the suit as quickly as possible. Due to the vicious nature and predominance of the warfare in region, many of the county court rooms were filled with civilian claims of restitution. The final verdict of both the Amanda Ireland and Abraham Ireland case is unknown; however, the fact that many of the defendants were charged in multiple crimes throughout the region did not bode well for their claims of innocence. Old animosities and resentments were not forgotten in the post-war years, and these court cases represent the extreme violence that plagued the countryside.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
2. Austin Ireland, 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Center Creek, Jasper, Missouri; Roll: M653_624; Page: 901; Image: 361; Family History Library Film: 803624.
3. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
4. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
5. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
6. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
7. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.

Dr. Albert Badger was among the early Caucasian settlers in Vernon County, Missouri. The first settlers came to the area in 1823, but by 1840 there were only 35 or 40 families living in the County.1 Badger was born in 1821 in Windham County, Connecticut. His father, Albert, died when he was only four and a half years old. Young Albert was raised by his uncle, until he turned 14. In 1835, Albert traveled with his grandfather to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to attend school. Five years later, he sailed down the Ohio River to Louisiana, where he eventually became interested in medicine and attended the New Orleans Medical College. After graduation, Badger began his voyage north. In 1844, he traveled up the Mississippi River and across to Osceola, Missouri. He purchased a land claim for $30 dollars in present day Vernon County and became the namesake of Badger Township. Badger built the first “modern” house in the area. It featured glass windows, a nailed-on roof, three large rooms, a hallway and a porch. Other settlers only had simple cabins with wooden widows on leather hinges.2

On a visit to Blue Mound Township, Albert met Col. Anselmn Halley, namesake of Halley’s Bluffs, and his daughter Sarah Halley. Albert and Sarah married in 1853, and through the course of their lives had eight children. Albert practiced medicine in Vernon County, but the area’s small population made it difficult for that to be his only source of income. Albert purchased 2,200 acres of land for cultivation, and had a large population of livestock and at least one slave.3 Before 1861, Albert’s mother, Asenath Badger, traveled from the east coast to live with Albert and Sarah in their Vernon County home. She assisted Sarah with raising and educating the children, as there were no schools available at the time. Albert’s brother, Oscar Badger, was a Captain in the US Navy, and stationed on the east coast. Oscar owned land next to Albert’s estate, and hired men to take care of the property. In late 1860, Oscar wrote Albert from Baltimore about the volatile political climate and the outbreak of war.

Dear Brother: I have had it in contemplation to write to you for some weeks past, but put it off in hopes I should be able to surprise you by a visit this Fall, but I have been ordered to duty at this station, which will keep me here for some time. I shall however see you all in the Spring. I hope. I consider my Commission in the Navy of no great value at present, as from the complexion of affairs in the political horizon, the Country will fall into anarcy and dissolution of its several members before many months roll around. I may threfore be forced to seek some other occupation, which will probably be farming alongside of you on my land.

Oscar Badger letter to Albert Badger – Oct. 13, 1860

Oscar’s letter suggests he was a Southern sympathizer. Presumably he meant to resign from the navy if hostilities broke out. Though we have no evidence for why, Oscar definitely changed his mind. He remained in the navy and participated in the 1863 Union Campaign to capture Charleston, South Carolina. During the assault on Fort Sumter, he was hit in the leg by shrapnel which left him with a noticeable limp. Oscar eventually rose through the ranks to Commodore.

Back in Vernon County, Albert chose the Southern cause. Carrying his double-barrel shotgun from home, Albert enlisted in the 7th Missouri Cavalry, 8th Division, Missouri State Guard on June 1, 1861. Albert was commissioned as a Lieutenant and served under Confederate General Sterling Price at the Battles of Carthage and Wilson’s Creek. At the Battle of Carthage, he was shot through the leg with a bullet, and like his brother, walked with a limp for the rest of his life. He went on to fight at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek on August 10, 1861. Albert left the Missouri State Guard on August 25, 1861. His shotgun, valued at $20, was sold to William Halley before he and the MSG marched north to Lexington, Missouri.4

The historical records documenting Albert’s actions between the fall of 1861 and beginning of 1864 are vague. Presumably, Albert returned home after he left the Missouri State Guard in late August 1861. Some accounts indicate Albert was harassed by Jayhawkers, and he fled his home in fear of his life. Other reports state he simply moved to St. Louis. The collection contains two letters written during that interim period, but neither provides Albert’s location at the time. In the summer of 1863 Albert’s father-in-law left his home in Vernon County and moved to Calhoun, Missouri. He wrote Albert shortly after General Thomas Ewing issued General Order No. 11, forcing civilians to evacuate their homes in Bates, Cass, Jackson and parts of Vernon County Missouri.

Dear Albert,

I received your letter the 6th. The times in Johnson County is bad. The soldiers have burned five houses in that County. Henry County is peace. In the last of August some eight or ten Bushwhackers paid me a visit. After searching the house some time, they asked my name and what I was. I told them “Union” they thought it strange. They behaved very well and said they would not take anything of mine. There are a great many people moving from the counties west. Some of them are in destitute condition. It is a bad order. I am told it does not enclude Vernon County, if it does, what will Sarah & the children do.

Anselm Hailey letter to Albert Badger – Sep. 14, 1863

While Order #11 included Vernon County, it was only the northern half, thus, Sarah, the children and Albert’s mother remained on their farm. Unfortunately, Asenath Badger passed away in 1864.

Meanwhile, Albert probably maintained correspondence with his brother Oscar, letters which unfortunately have not survived. Albert reappears in the historical records at Mound City, Illinois, working as a Chief Clerk in the Naval Ordnance Department. The decision was likely encouraged by Oscar, but Albert’s true motivation is unknown. Mound City is located approximately seven miles north of Cairo, IL along the Ohio River. Three of the Union’s “City Class” ironclad gunboats – U.S.S. Cairo, U.S.S. Cincinnati and U.S.S. Mound City – were built at Mound City. The small town eventually became the location of a Union General Hospital, and by April 1862 a spur of the Illinois Central Railroad ran into the city. Troops and supplies traveled by train to Mound City and then were transferred by ship along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. In November 1863, the Navy Department established Mound City as the primary ordnance depot for the Mississippi Squadron. Ordnance shipments distributed through Mound City, were at some point overseen by Albert.

Head Quarters, Department of the Missouri, Saint Louis,

The Conductor of the first train passing Pana, Ills. Central RailRoad for Mound City, after 5 O’Clock tomorrow morning, will attach three cars of Orinance Stores, under charge of Mr [Albert] Badger. It being absolutely necessary that the stores reach Cairo to-morrow

By order of Major Genl William S. Rosecrans – Mar. 29, 1864

The experiences of Oscar and Albert are fascinating but difficult to explain. Oscar seemed concerned by the impeding crisis, yet he remained in the Union navy. Albert actually fought alongside Confederate soldiers in the Missouri State Guard, but ended the war working on Union ships. Without other documents, students and historians are left to speculate on why these men acted as they did.

Like most families in the Ozarks, the war took a heavy toll on Sarah. With Albert away, nearly all of their livestock was stolen by bushwhackers who frequently raided their home for food and clothing. Sarah was left with a blind horse and an ox, which she used to drive a cart to Fort Scott, Kansas for supplies. Albert commended Sarah for her courage and dedication to the family, as she assumed control over their estate, farm and family affairs while Albert was gone.

You had better hire a boy or man, probably a man one or two days. Mr Eidson if possible to take some loose rails, & fix up your Field & Orchard & Garden fence, you might take some of the rails from the fence round the pasture if you could do no better. It can be fixed temporally enough to stop out hogs & cattle in a coupple of days. Call on Mr Eidson & he will do it, and credit his note. Also call on him at any time for money, giving him a few days notice & he will get it. Or for any thing else you may want. You have been a good, brave woman, to stay there as long as you have, & now nearly at the end of trouble, dont despare.

Albert Badger letter to Sarah Badger – Aug. 20, 1864

Albert was discharged at the close of the war. Family records indicate he worked 18 months in Mound City. The Badger family lost approximately $10,000 in property during the war, some of which was taken by Union soldiers. He wrote the Quartermaster General in 1874, “I also lost… Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Corn, Oats, Hay &c: taken by U. States Troops for the use of the U.S. and found myself when discharged from service at the close of the war, made poor, by the very Government, I had so faithfully Served.”5 Albert requested compensation for the lost property, and it is unknown if he received any type of payment. Albert died on February 19, 1885, after leading a successful life. He helped establish Vernon County, and served as the first County Administrator, its first Justice of the Peace and first Probate Judge. He served both the Confederacy and the Union, and was a loving family man.

This collection consists of fourteen documents spanning from 1852 through 1874, related to Albert Badger and his family. It comprises of material contributed from the Bushwhacker Museum and Jail and Missouri State University’s Special Collections. The MSU documents are part of the Freeman Barrows Collection. Freeman’s son, John N. Barrows, married Elizabeth (Lizzie) Badger, Albert’s daughter. Correspondence between John and Lizzie are available at MSU.

Contributed by the The Bushwhacker Museum and Jail and Missouri State University, Special Collections and Archives

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1. “County named for Col. Vernon,” The Nevada (Mo.) Herald, 29 June 1980, pg. 4C.
2. “Historic Houses of Vernon County” in Albert Badger’s Vertical File, 09.56.273.3, Bushwhacker Museum, Nevada, Missouri.
3. In an 1874 letter to the US Quartermaster, Albert claimed he took a slave into the service with him. He lost the slave while in the service and asked the Quartermaster for compensation. Albert Badger. Letter to US Quartermaster. Jul. 12, 1874. Barrows Family Collection, M31, Special Collections, Missouri State University, Springfield
4. Ordance Department, Missouri State Guard. Letter to Albert Badger. ca. Aug. 25, 1861. Barrows Family Collection, M31, Special Collections, Missouri State University, Springfield.
5. Albert Badger. Letter to US Quartermaster. Jul. 12, 1874.

Alfred Dexter Morgan a native of Chicago, Illinois, enlisted in Company D, Illinois 17th Cavalry on March 24, 1864 and was promoted to full Sergeant before he was mustered out on December 20, 1865.1 The 17th Illinois Cavalry Volunteers trekked across the Missouri landscape engaging Confederate soldiers, serving as military escorts, and acting as provost guards. Morgan documents his travels from Glasgow, Moberly, Centralia, Fayetteville, MO, and recorded news of various engagements.

The 17th Illinois Cavalry’s proximity to central Missouri placed them in an area known for guerrilla warfare. The prominent guerrilla band in the area was William Anderson’s gangs. William “Bloody Bill” Anderson was one of the most notorious guerrilla fighters of the Civil War. Having lived in Missouri during the period known as “Bleeding Kansas,” Anderson and his family were familiar with the horrors of conflict. Anderson began his full on campaign against the Union army in August 1863 in revenge for his sisters who were injured and killed a Kansas City jail that had collapsed. Union soldiers imprisoned the Anderson girls, for aiding their brother. Anderson and his gang terrorized Missouri and Kansas, plundering civilians homes and killing indiscriminately. Anderson earned the nickname Bloody Bill from the uncivilized tactics he used during conflict, the display of scalps on his horse’s bridle evidence of his cruelty. On September 23, 1864 Morgan received orders to Rocheport, Missouri. While in route he encountered Jim Anderson, Bloody Bill’s brother.

found Jim Anderson and 6 of his gang on the route give him chase killed him and 5 of his men, Jim is a brother of Bill the great thief and the daring chief of his Bushwhackers…. If billy Anderson gets me and this Book he will Scalp me
Alfred D. Morgan, 1864 Diary,  pg 3

On the morning of September 27, Anderson attacked Centralia. While waiting for the train, Bloody Bill and his gang terrorized local civilians, robbing and burning stores. The bushwhackers robbed all the passengers on the train, taking 23 unarmed Union soldiers who were on furlough, and killing them on the spot. Morgan and his company witnessed the horrific scene as they passed through the town,“we pass on and find that at Centralia Anderson killed 187 more; we camped here, burned the town. I wish we had Anderson we would burn him sure.”2

In September 1864, Sterling Price also began his raid into Missouri. Price’s ultimate goal was to regain Missouri for the Confederacy, however above all else the Confederacy needed men. Even if he had to retreat from Missouri, the expedition would be successful if a sizeable number of recruits were brought into the army. Morgan reported a rumor that, “it is supposed that Anderson and his Scalpers are with Price ….”3 Anderson and approximately one hundred guerrillas under his command did attempt to join Price’s party; however, the human scalps taken at the Centralia Massacre two weeks earlier were still proudly displayed on the horses of Anderson’s men. Horrified, Price refused to ride with Anderson until they were discarded. Price instead ordered Anderson to destroy bridges along the North Missouri Railroad. Union soldiers throughout the region were on high alert and ready to fight Price and his forces to drive them out of Missouri once and for all. Morgan and his company engaged Price on October 9, 1864.

Started in pursuit of Price,, follow all day, come up to his rear guard, have some Skirmishing on the road. he retreats one of the mo. Lieuts is killed on the road. Price, retreats we chase up close to his rear guard, overtake him at a town called, California we have a small fight here, our shells do good execution.
Alfred D. Morgan, 1864 Diary, pg 18 & 19

Many in Morgan’s regiment were excited at the prospect of war and fighting. The thrill of the fight was alive in many a young men’s hearts. That is until the reality of war confronted them head on, and as Morgan wrote in his diary, he saw no joy in fighting as he heard the “sad and disgusting” stories fellow soldiers told while camped in Springfield, MO in October 1864. Morgan feared retribution for William Anderson. Morgan’s company killed Anderson’s brother, and Morgan wrote in his diary, “If billy Anderson gets me and this Book he will Scalp me but I defy him and I will kill him if I can.”4 Those fears ceased when Anderson band of bushwhackers was ambushed by Union soldiers on October 26, 1864. Anderson was killed during the engagement and eventually beheaded.

Morgan wrote in two diaries. His first diary ends in November 1864, and depicts the eagerness of young soldiers willing to join the war and the devastating realities these men actually faced. Yet through harsh conditions and bloody battles Morgan’s patriotism and sense of duty never wavered. He wrote, “I shall fall for the right, for friends I love, and my Country, the Rebs, cannot whip us up, big hurrah for our old flag liberty.”5 Morgan’s second diary, written from January 1865 to January 1866, is less descriptive and mentions weather conditions, orders and men in his company. Morgan was aware of the dangers he faced, but kept his diary as a testament for future generations to remember his actions.

Contributed by the University of Tulsa Special Collections and University Archives

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1. Historical Data Systems, comp.. U.S. Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2009.
2. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
3. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
4. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.
5. Alfred D. Morgan Diary, 1864. E505.6 17th .M67 1864, University of Tulsa Special Collections, Oklahoma.

Due to the nature of the warfare in region, many of the country court rooms were filled with civilian claims of restitution. On November 17, 1864 Alvis Sheppard filed a lawsuit against George Messick and Harvey McCune. He claimed that the men illegally imprisoned him for twenty four hours. According to Sheppard the men formed a “court” and tried him on the account of being disloyal to the Confederate States of America. Messick and McCune denounced Sheppard as a “black republican” and abused him will he was detained.

Messick and McCune were no strangers to the legal system as they had been sued several times before for similar crimes mentioned in the Sheppard Case.1 However, these gentlemen were very clever and knew how to manipulate the tattered legal system to their advantage, which is why they were able to evade prosecution numerous times. The first tactic they implored was requesting a change of venue, since they were not citizens of Missouri, but claimed to residents of Red River County, Texas. and therefore would not be able to receive a fair and unbiased trial. The case was moved to the Greene County 14th Judicial Circuit Court.2

Messick and McCune had a half a dozen witnesses submit depositions saying that they had not imprisoned Mr. Sheppard and that in fact, Mr. Sheppard himself had stated how lucky he was that he had not been captured. Messick’s brother testified that on “the latter part of August, 1861 him and his brother, the defendant had stopped at plaintiff, Shepherd’s house in Lawrence County, Missouri; and during the conversation something was said about our being lucky in not having been taken prisoner, when Shepherd went on to state that he had also never been a prisoner; but that he had been afraid one time that he would be imprisoned; and that it was when he went to see Capt. Baker to get his mare which had been captured some time before. He said thought that he was mistaken; that Captain Baker treated him like a gentleman, and that he was not imprisoned.”3

Nearly an identical story was given by several other witnesses, including the testimony of a woman, Mrs. Mary F. Bottom. Messick and McCune knew that the witnesses they had selected would support their defense because they were close friends who all supported the Southern cause. The actual transgressions brought to court were often just pretenses of a deeper source of resentment to a fellow neighbor who had a differing political view. Old animosities and resentments were not forgotten in the post-war years. The violent struggle between jayhawkers and bushwhackers left a bitter legacy throughout the Ozarks.

The results of the case are unknown and the credibility of all those involved in the case are questionable; which make deciphering the events that transpired in August of 1861 difficult to know with absolute certainty.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. McCune, Harvey T.; Hagler, John; Messick, George W, Missouri State Archives: Missouri Judicial Records, 1867, accessed on October 26, 2010, http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/stlprobate/images.asp?id=30584&party=McCune%2C+Harvey+T.%3B+Hagler%2C+John%3B+Messick%2C+George+W&case=&date=1867&reel=c53606&debugMode=false&numberMarked=0#
2. Alvis C. Sheppard vs. George W. Messick and Harvey T. McCune. CW 39, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
3. Alvis C. Sheppard vs. George W. Messick and Harvey T. McCune. CW 39, Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.

In September, 1861, General Sterling Price planned an assault on Fort Scott to prevent Kansas Jayhawkers from raiding into Missouri. Union troops from Fort Scott under Major James H. Lane met Price’s troops in Vernon County, Missouri on Drywood Creek. Largely outnumbered, the Union forces quickly retreated back to Fort Scott. Price marched north and laid siege to Lexington, Missouri. Niggins noted the number of soldiers and violence in a letter to Mr. A. Baker.

All Eyes in this Country are turned to Lexington there are said to be about 40,000 secessionist there have been fortifying Maj [Samuel D.] Sturgis comeing in on the north side of the River Siegel [Franz Sigel] from below and [James H.] Lane from the South their combined forces it is said and thought to be true from 40 to 50,000 the word here is that Raines and Price will certainly be hipped out it is said that they are in a condition that they are bund to fight there was Last Thursday 14,000 union troops from Hudson to St. Joseph they have taken Platte City Weston and Liberty at Liberty there was a fight on Friday and the Town was burned 15 or 20 union troops killed and 30 wounded 50 killed on the other side there was 15 secessionist killed at Platte City the union troops were on their way to Lexington the Steamer Majors went down from Kansas City Friday to Cross over Maj Sturges command at some point near Lexington
B. L. Niggins Letter to A. Baker, February 27, 1863

After the Price and the Missouri State Guard left the region, Lane led raiders across the border into Missouri and burned Osceola a month later. Realizing that no town was safe from attack and that a military base was actually rather well fortified, many refugees elected to move closer to Fort Scott. Mr. Niggins, however, did no want to move back to the region. In an attempt to close his accounts and settle his debts, Niggins contacted Baker to sell his property in Bourbon County.

Money was scarce and many individuals like Mr. Niggins, needed to liquidate their assets to have funds to survive. Money though was not the only concern pressing on Mr. Niggins mind. The violence in the Northern region of Kansas and Northwest Missouri was increasing daily and Mr. Niggins and his wife were burned out of their house in Kansas City in November 1862. Niggins and Baker continued to conduct business together until Baker was murdered in early 1865. Niggins was then left trying to collect the $1,500 Baker sill owed him from the sale of his property.

The Missouri-Kansas border was infamous for the bloody violence that ensured years before the Civil War began. Bushwhackers and Jayhawkers constantly fought and terrorized civilians. The violence from the war and guerrilla warfare forced many families like the Niggins to move to safer locations while trying to conclude their business affairs long distance.

Contributed by the Bushwhacker Museum and Jail

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The civil suits stemmed from the destruction of the mill, machinery, stored goods, and the three homes owned by the Bowers. The importance of regional grist mills to rural Ozarks communities cannot be overstated. Mills served myriad functions to the regional economy, and their preservation and continued operation was important to maintain a sense of hopefulness and security in the Ozarks during the War.

The first Bowers suit began on January 23, 1864, with the plaintiffs asking for roughly $32,000 in damages from 47 defendants. Depositions failed to produce a confession, and instead served to absolve certain defendants of association with the alleged crime. Defendant, Jess Newton Gotcher, noted the importance of the mill to his family living in the area, as evidence of his innocence.

(I) had no hand in it and (am) not guilty of any participation in the same (I am) opposed as a soldier and officer the robbing of private citizens non combatants and destruction of private property (I) regretted to hear of the plaintiffs mill being destroyed by any one as (my) Father lived in the neighborhood and depended on the mill for his breadstuff and (I) had…lived near the mill and was acquainted with the plaintiffs and regarded them as (my) personal friends though differing politically and (I) had no inclination to injure the plffs had (I) been present (I) would prevented so far as lay in(my)s power and injury to the person as property of the plaintiffs…
Deposition of Jesse Newton Gotcher, Paris, Texas, October 25, 1866

On October 18, 1865, the Bowers brought suit against Henry “Harvey” T. McCune for the destruction of their property. McCune’s son, Thomas, was a defendant in the first trial. The second suit did not proceed quickly, but it did produce results. Despite McCune’s death during the trial, the deposition continued, and the Bowers finally received a confession in 1869.

(I) was in Benton County Arkansas in September, 1863, and in September about the last of September 1863 (I) left Benton County with Gen Shelby’s Command, and proceeded to the State of Missouri and reached Lawrence County in the State of Missouri on or about the fifth day of October 1863, and…(I) together with one John Nelson Set fire to and Burned the Mills and Other buildings On Spring River in a little town known by the Name of Oregon. …(The) burning was done as Gen Shelbys Command pased North from Benton County Arkansas And…(I) knew at the time that…(if I) Burned the Mills and other buildings that it was in violation of Gen Shelbys orders And (I) was not ordered persuaded nor hired to burn said buildings but done it with (my) own free will and accord…(I believed at the mill)and other buildings was that the Malitia of Lawrence County Missouri made their head quarters at said Mills and other buildings and that (I) wanted to broke up their nests…
James Barnes, Dallas, Arkansas, October 15, 1869

James Barnes also implicated his partner in crime, James Dixson. The men believed Bowers Mill was a nest for the Enrolled Missouri Militia (EMM), and thus justified its destruction. The EMM stationed men around mills throughout the Ozarks to establish a safeguard for civilians and help alleviate fears of guerrilla attacks. The militia’s presence allowed for continued cultivation and provided a source of food for the men. The destruction of Bower’s mill hurt more than just George, John and William, as it impacted the lives of women, children and Union forces that depended on the mill for food.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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Introduction
Clinton Owen Bates

“Old Age,” written by Clinton Owen Bates in 1949, reflects on the life of a young boy growing up in Arkansas during the Civil War, and his career as a teacher. Bates was born in 1857, and grew up on a farm in Fayetteville. The Bates family had split loyalty among the North and South, and even as a young child, Bates remembered the tension that the War brought into their home. Bates recalled the bloody conflict along the border of Missouri and Kansas, encounters with runaway slaves, and various Trans-Mississippi Theater battles. After the War, Bates began his career as a teacher. He taught at the Cherokee Headquarters on the Tahlequah Indian Reservation and later held a position in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

Contributed by the University of Arkansas Libraries Special Collections
Manuscript Collection MC 594

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Rolla was pivotal location for the Union during the Civil War because the southwest branch of the Pacific Railroad ended there. Thousands of Union troops and their supplies came to Rolla by train from St. Louis and then were transferred to wagon trails to go to the battles of Wilson Creek in Springfield, Mo., Pea Ridge, and Prairie Grove in Arkansas, plus a number of other smaller skirmishes. While in Rolla, Bushnell organized construction of the earthen fortifications to protect the vital railhead.  The fortifications would eventually become Fort Wyman, named after the regimental commander of the 13^th Illinois, Col. John B. Wyman.  Bushnell noted the influx of soldiers turned Rolla into a city of tents, “I have a tent to myself about 10 feet square & the lieutenants have one of the same size togeather – to give you a correct idea of our canvass city.”4

Bushnell reported to his wife in his letters different rumors he heard about military movement.  He wrote his wife on July 11, 1861 saying that a man had come in to camp on stage and said that there had been a battle between Col. Sigel and Gov. Jackson 150 west of Rolla and that the “confederates routed compleatly with a loss of from 500 to 600 men while Seigel’s loss was only 25 or 35.”5 The battle Bushnell heard about was the Battle of Carthage, in which Jackson surprised Col. Sigel and his troops and forced the Union troops to retreat to Sarcoxie. The losses for the Union were higher than Bushnell recorded; the Union suffered casualties of 44 men, not including the 94 men taken prisoner. Although Sigel retreated both the Union and Confederacy claim Carthage as a victory. Springfield was a valuable supply area both Union and Confederate troops fought continually over the town. While Confederate troops were able to drive the Federal soldiers out of Springfield in the Battle of Wilson Creek, Bushnell was optimistic and stated, “I think we have got the upper hands of secessionism in this vicinity.”6 Bushnell was ready to fight the Confederates if the opportunity arose, writing to his wife, “I should like to be in the next battle fought in Mo. for I think it is our time to “lick.”7

By Oct 27, 1861, Bushnell and his company moved to Bolivar, MO and were “now within about 30 miles directly north of Springfield when Genl [Sterling] Price the rebel Genl is with 20,000 men.”  They had marched 30 miles the day before and met General John. C. Fremont, who was on his way to Springfield. Bushnell wrote in his letter to his wife stating that “if Price stays in Springfield two days longer we will give him the liveliest shaking up a rebel army ever got we can clean him out “root and branch,” which will tell the tale of rebellion in this state.”8 Fremont was successfully able to lead his regiment through the embittered Southwest Missouri region in an effort to drive out Sterling Price from the state.

When the Colonel Wyman was promoted, Bushnell received a promotion of Major. Wyman was so well pleased with Bushnell’s work that he gave him a horse, “which he said I should need, & as an infantry officer of the line does not need & is not entitled to one, you can infer of what he was thinking”9 With Bushnell’s promotion to Major he was often quartered with his superiors giving him privileged knowledge of future military movements.

Genl. [Samuel R.] Curtis that all the troops at this place should be prepared to march. But no order to march has been isued, I know certain – I occupy a room with Genl. [John B.] Wyman, & night before last Genls Van Ranseller [Henry Van Rensselaer] & Curtis were in there all the evening, and I geathered by their conversation, that Curtis was very anxious to move on to Springfield where [Sterling] Price is stationed with about 15,000 men (more or less), but, Genl. [Henry H.] Halleck is opposed to it & I think, and feel certain there will be no move

Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell, June 25, 1861, pg1

In March of 1862 the 13^th Illinois Regiment had relocated to Northwestern Arkansas.  There, several companies from the regiment fought in the Battle of Pea Ridge on March 7^th and 8^th. General Curtis expected a Confederate attack on the morning of March 8. When it did not come, the Federals advanced. Union artillery was brought forward and opened fire on the Rebel position. After a successful bombardment, almost 10,000 Union infantrymen surged forward. The Confederate position collapsed and Van Dorn ordered a general retreat.

Bushnell and Company B of the 13^th Illinois Infantry along with other Missouri regiments continued to pursue Sterling Price and his Rebel forces; eventually leading them to Searcy County Arkansas by May 1862.  The living conditions in this camp were dismal as the constant rain and marching were trying on the young men’s patience.

It rained nearly all night, and continued to rain all the next day, but notwithstanding, we made an early start and marched through a pouring rain. . . I am not home sick but I am sick of this marching, marching, marching

Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell September 25, 1861, pg 1

Bushnell said that he was involved in several small skirmishes since arriving in Arkansas.  Although his company did not receive any major casualties he wrote of the horrific incident that occurred to the 17^th Missouri Regiment, who was ambushed and slaughtered by either Rebel soldiers or Bushwhackers. What was more shocking about the attack was that when, “A surgeon from the Mo. 3^rd [Missouri] infantry went to the place with an ambulance, for the purpose of dressing the wounds, and bringing away the wounded, but the villains took him, hung him, and with their knives, cut and disfigured him.”10

The 13^th Illinois marched eastward along the Missouri border pursuing the Confederate retreated across the Mississippi River.  After failing to capture Little Rock, they marched along the west bank of the Mississippi River and reached Helena, Arkansas on July 14, 1862.  From Helena, Bushnell and the 13^th Illinois became part of the Army of the Tennessee and participated in actions against Confederate surrounding Vicksburg.  They engaged Confederates at Chickasaw Bluff, where Col. Wyman was killed in December 1862, and the capture of Arkansas Post the following January.  The 13^th Illinois Infantry went on to participate in the siege of Vicksburg in May 1863. 11

Following the capture of Vicksburg, the regiment moved to Memphis and Chattanooga, Tennessee, in October 1863.  Afterwards, the 13^th Illinois embarked on the Chattanooga-Ringgold campaign, and Bushnell participated in the fight at Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge near Chatta­nooga in November.  On November 27, 1863, during an action with the Confederate rearguard near Ringgold, Bushnell was shot through the head and died instantly. The collection consists of seventy-two letters, but only Bushnell’s correspondence form May 1861 – May 1862 have been digitized.  The entire collection can be found at the Western Historical Manuscript Collection in Rolla, MO.  The 13^th Illinois Infantry lost 6 officers and 61 enlisted men in combat.  An additional 2 officers and 123 enlisted men died from diseases.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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1. Douglas Ritchie Bushnell, Douglas Bushnell Letters, 1861-1866. The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA, http://web.mst.edu/~whmcinfo/shelf27/r675/info.html.
2. 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Sterling, Whiteside, Illinois; Roll: M653_237; Page: 1069; Image: 441; Family History Library Film: 803237.
3. “History of the 13th Illinois Infantry”, Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Illinois vol. I, containing reports for the Years 1861-66. Revised by Brigadier General J. N. Reece, Adjutant General. 1900. Springfield, Ill., Phillips Bros., State Printers, http://www.illinoiscivilwar.org/cw13-agr.html
4. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. July. 11, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
5. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. July. 11, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
6. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Aug. 1, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
7. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Sep. 25, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
8. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Oct. 27, 1861 . Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
9. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Sep. 25, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
10. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. May 23, 1862. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA .
11. Douglas Ritchie Bushnell, Douglas Bushnell Letters,1861-1866. The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA, http://web.mst.edu/~whmcinfo/shelf27/r675/info.html.