The 16th Missouri Cavalry scouted and patrolled routes across the Ozarks, seeing action in Wright, Dallas, Texas, Ozark, Laclede and other Missouri Counties. They also participated in the Battle of Mine Creek and other engagements during Sterling Price’s 1864 expedition into Missouri. During their time in service one officer and twelve enlisted men were killed or mortally wounded. One officer and thirty-one enlisted men succumbed to disease. In total, 16th Missouri Cavalry lost forty-five men.1

This collection contains three equipment reports from the 16th Missouri Cavalry outlining the use of supplies and their value. Researchers are encouraged to consult other equipment and supply ledgers located in the Community & Conflict collection to study the war’s impact on distribution of goods, demand and market value in the Ozarks.

Contributed by Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion vol 2, (Dayton: Broadfoot Publishing Company Morningside Press, 1994), 1311.

Comparison between slave records may provide an interesting study on the value of human property and the fluctuation of slave trade as the Civil War progressed. Researchers are encouraged to consult other slave records located in the Community & Conflict collection.

Contributed by the The History Museum for Springfield-Greene County

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In 1871, Benton County, Arkansas provided civilians with the opportunity to places grievances against the United State Army. The civilians provided a description, amount, and value of the property taken by Union Soldiers. Many claims list multiple witnesses attesting to the specifics of the theft and the names and affiliations of the soldiers. Oaths of loyalty accompany the claims attesting to the civilian’s loyalty to the Union.

The records include notation indicating whether the claim was paid or rejected. Not all of the claims were paid, and it is uncertain why some of the claims were rejected. Perhaps plaintiffs were Confederates seeking monetary revenge on the Union, or the appraisal value of the property was too high. Regardless, this collection provides valuable information about living conditions and market values in the Ozarks, and insight to the relationship between soldiers and civilians during the Civil War.

Contributed by the Benton County Archives

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The 35th Arkansas Infantry, CSA, was organized on July 11, 1862. Col. Frank Rector led the regiment, and its commanding officers included Cols. James King and Harry J. McCord, Lt. Col. John Wallace, and Majs. John Dillard and Mark Tatum. The regiment had several names including: 22nd Arkansas Infantry (Rector’s – King’s – McCord’s Infantry), and 1st Arkansas Infantry (Rector’s Infantry, Northwest Division). The 35th Arkansas Infantry saw action at Helena on July 4, 1863, Little Rock on September 10, 1863 and Jenkins’ Ferry on April 30, 1864.1

William Patton, quartermaster in the 35th Arkansas Infantry, kept this ledger recording supplies distributed to soldiers in the regiment. Each page lists a soldier’s name, rank, and equipment details. Patton documented purchase dates, quantity and price. He also provided notes on battles, deaths and wounds incurred by soldiers in the 35th Arkansas Infantry.

The ledger offers evidence for a study of economic conditions in the Ozarks, specifically on the war’s impact on the distribution of supplies, demand and market value. This ledger might draw interesting comparisons with union and civilian ledgers located in the Community & Conflict collection.

Contributed by Rogers Historical Museum

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1. Stewart Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: Florida and Arkansas (New York: Facts on File, 1992), 117-118.

On January 11, 1865, the Missouri state convention met in St. Louis. They passed an emancipation ordinance immediately freeing all slaves in Missouri, and discussed the central issue of disfranchisement of anyone with questionable loyalties to the Union. Delegates explored creation of additional constitutional amendments to enforce these disfranchisement policies and even developing an entirely new constitution.

The disfranchisement of the “rebel” presence from the state became a major undertaking at the state convention and a focus of civilians throughout the state. An “iron-clad oath” was added to the new state constitution that required individuals to attest to his/her innocence of eighty-six acts of disloyalty against the state of Missouri and the Union. These acts ranged from providing money, goods, or intelligence to the enemy; to taking up arms; participating in guerrilla warfare, aiding or abetting guerrillas. Even expressing general sympathy the South, or specific individuals that fought for the Southern cause, would be seen as acts of disloyalty. Failing to take this oath would prevent one from voting, holding a public office, and from holding professional licenses such as lawyers, teachers, clergy, and other influential positions.

In February 1865, A. Halley wrote his daughter in Calhoun, Missouri regarding the sale of confederate property in the region. Halley forewarned his daughter that Captain Henry Jennings was “assessing the property of the copperheads in this county to pay the loss.”1 The term copperhead was slang used during the Civil War for a northerner sympathetic to the southern cause.2 Proceeds from the property liquidation would be given to civilians to cover depredation restitution from guerrilla warfare. Civilians in Missouri faced ten years of depredation caused by bushwhackers and soldiers. Many of the post war years were spent by Missourians in court attempting to claim retribution for damages caused during the war.

Contributed by the Bushwhacker Museum and Jail

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1. A. Halley, Letter to Daughter. Feb. 15, 1865. Bushwhacker Museum, Nevada, Missouri.
2. Civil War Era Slang and Terms: A Writer’s Guide for the American Civil War, “Copperhead”, Compiled by G. M. Atwater, March 2005, accessed 9 November 2010, http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~poindexterfamily/CivilWar.html

Amanda and family lived in Jasper County, Missouri before the war. They moved to Missouri sometime before 1855, and owned a small amount of land, which Austin cultivated. In early August 1861, Austin and his brother-in-law James McLahlan were along the head of Little North Fork in Barton County, Missouri. The 26 defendants surrounded the men and took them prisoner. The men were held for twenty hours against their will, before they were brought onto John R. Cabiness’ land, a Union man who lived in Jasper County. Austin asked one of the defendants, John R Chenault, to let him go. Chenault refused stating, “they would make an example of him.” The men threw a rope over a tree branch a half mile from Cabiness’ home and placed a noose around Austin’s neck. Two men pulled on the rope lifting Austin from the ground, while the rest of the party held the rope until he was dead. James was six feet from his sister’s brother when he died.4

Since the suit included numerous defendants, the proceedings were very long and tedious. All of the defendants proclaimed their innocence and believed the case should be dismissed for a various reasons which included the, “Damages for which said action is brought did not arise from the Commission of a felony or misdemeanor done by this Defendant and Because there is no revenue Stamp affixed to the original papers and process filed in said suit.”5

After a change in venue, the testimony of the individuals involved in the case were submitted to the court. One of the defendants, William Board explained that he could not have partaken in the murder because he was not even in the town when it occurred. While several witnesses testified on the behalf of the defendants there were also witnesses for the plaintiff, including the testimony of James McLahlan and Nelson Knight. Knight was taken prisoner by the Defendants in 1862. At that time John Newman, one of the defendants, boasted, “We have hung Austin Ireland a brother-in law of that damned Black republican James McLahlan’s.”6

Through the graphic testimonies of the witnesses, Amanda Ireland and her attorney’s learned that Austin’s political affiliation was not the only reason why he was murdered. Austin was killed in retaliation for the killing of the defendant’s friend, a Mr. Broom. Allegedly, Austin admitted to the men before he was hung that he stood guard as others robbed Broom’s store, during which encounter Broom was killed. The 26 defendants held a mock trial, with Chenault acting as the judge, and found Austin “guilty.”7

In July 1865, Abraham Ireland, Austin’s Uncle also filed a lawsuit against several of the same defendants. He claimed the men stole and damaged his property and set fire to his farm. Abraham sought damages up to ten thousand dollars, claiming the men stole:

One Horse saddle and bridle of the value of One Hundred and Fifty Dollars One other horse a stallion of the value of Two hundred Dollars one Rifle gun of the value of Twenty Dollars Ten head of Cattle of the value of Two Hundred Dollars one other horse of the value of Fifty Dollars and also a large amount of wheat corn and Rye & Hay of the value of Two Hundred Dollars also about one Hundred head of hogs there being not less than one hundred head of hogs of the value of Three Hundred Dollars.
Abraham Ireland, Order of Publication. 25 Jul. 1865

As in the Amanda Ireland case, the men denied any wrongdoing and submitted their petitions to dismiss the suit as quickly as possible. Due to the vicious nature and predominance of the warfare in region, many of the county court rooms were filled with civilian claims of restitution. The final verdict of both the Amanda Ireland and Abraham Ireland case is unknown; however, the fact that many of the defendants were charged in multiple crimes throughout the region did not bode well for their claims of innocence. Old animosities and resentments were not forgotten in the post-war years, and these court cases represent the extreme violence that plagued the countryside.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
2. Austin Ireland, 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Center Creek, Jasper, Missouri; Roll: M653_624; Page: 901; Image: 361; Family History Library Film: 803624.
3. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
4. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
5. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
6. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
7. Amanda Ireland vs. John R. Chenault, et al. 1865. CW 18. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.

In September, 1861, General Sterling Price planned an assault on Fort Scott to prevent Kansas Jayhawkers from raiding into Missouri. Union troops from Fort Scott under Major James H. Lane met Price’s troops in Vernon County, Missouri on Drywood Creek. Largely outnumbered, the Union forces quickly retreated back to Fort Scott. Price marched north and laid siege to Lexington, Missouri. Niggins noted the number of soldiers and violence in a letter to Mr. A. Baker.

All Eyes in this Country are turned to Lexington there are said to be about 40,000 secessionist there have been fortifying Maj [Samuel D.] Sturgis comeing in on the north side of the River Siegel [Franz Sigel] from below and [James H.] Lane from the South their combined forces it is said and thought to be true from 40 to 50,000 the word here is that Raines and Price will certainly be hipped out it is said that they are in a condition that they are bund to fight there was Last Thursday 14,000 union troops from Hudson to St. Joseph they have taken Platte City Weston and Liberty at Liberty there was a fight on Friday and the Town was burned 15 or 20 union troops killed and 30 wounded 50 killed on the other side there was 15 secessionist killed at Platte City the union troops were on their way to Lexington the Steamer Majors went down from Kansas City Friday to Cross over Maj Sturges command at some point near Lexington
B. L. Niggins Letter to A. Baker, February 27, 1863

After the Price and the Missouri State Guard left the region, Lane led raiders across the border into Missouri and burned Osceola a month later. Realizing that no town was safe from attack and that a military base was actually rather well fortified, many refugees elected to move closer to Fort Scott. Mr. Niggins, however, did no want to move back to the region. In an attempt to close his accounts and settle his debts, Niggins contacted Baker to sell his property in Bourbon County.

Money was scarce and many individuals like Mr. Niggins, needed to liquidate their assets to have funds to survive. Money though was not the only concern pressing on Mr. Niggins mind. The violence in the Northern region of Kansas and Northwest Missouri was increasing daily and Mr. Niggins and his wife were burned out of their house in Kansas City in November 1862. Niggins and Baker continued to conduct business together until Baker was murdered in early 1865. Niggins was then left trying to collect the $1,500 Baker sill owed him from the sale of his property.

The Missouri-Kansas border was infamous for the bloody violence that ensured years before the Civil War began. Bushwhackers and Jayhawkers constantly fought and terrorized civilians. The violence from the war and guerrilla warfare forced many families like the Niggins to move to safer locations while trying to conclude their business affairs long distance.

Contributed by the Bushwhacker Museum and Jail

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Maxwell Phillips recorded all facets of the official procedures and events that took place at Fort Gibson. Phillips described in his reports the obstacles the regiment faced; such as desertion, cattle rustling, and improper processing of paperwork. Phillips often had men desert only to return asking to rejoin the unit. He would petition his superiors to allow these men to return with some minimal form of punishment. Normally, in a time of peace the Army would never have accepted a deserter back into service. They would have been considered Absent-With-Out-Leave and considered a criminal but the Union Army needed every able-bodied man they could find, so they were willing to bend the rules, slightly, to make some exceptions. In March 1864, Phillips wrote to a commanding officer requesting that several of his men who had returned of their own accord be reinstated to the regiment.

Sir I hereby Send you the names of Men who have deserted from My Co’ (G) and have voluntarily returned and respectfully Request that they be restored to duty with loss of Pay and allowances during absence

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to A. Morton – Mar. 16, 1864

There were numerous hindrances that the soldiers assigned to Indian regiments dealt with on a daily basis. One of the most serious problems Phillips recorded was the theft of cattle from the Union supplies. With a scarcity of food, stolen supplies were a huge detriment to the survival of a regiment. He encouraged the support of local Native Americans to help with the procedure of finding the stolen cattle but it was difficult to prove who stole the cattle. This became even more difficult when higher ranking officers were giving permission or passes to incompetent men who came into the Indian Territory under the pretext of purchasing cattle legally, but they then stole the cattle from the Native Americans for their own financial gain. Occasionally, they even stole the cattle from the families of the Indian soldiers in Phillips own regiment.

I regret that I am Obliged to leave the State without being able to present; to You My business in person. I reported to Your Adjt General upon My Arrival, I have not been able to recover any Cattle: though I have found Several herds. I have reason to believe that persons who have Obtained passes or permits from you to purchase Stock in the Indian Nation have Abused the privelige Granted; and have Obtained the Stock by Stealing it

I examined a herd at Fort Scott [Kansas] of about 580 head of Cattle, in possession of one John McWhirt, I found Over 50 different Indian Brands both Creek and Cherokee, Some of the Stock being the property of Men in My Own Co’ the Greater portion of them being the property of Loyal Soldiers, who have not even been permitted to Sell their Stock, nor, in Many Cases, been permitted for Over two Years to leave the ranks to look after it, Some of the Stock was Contraband.

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to Samuel Ryan Curtis – Sep. 12, 1864

Communication was very difficult to maintain between soldiers in the Western Territory and their commanders back east in Missouri. The inefficiency of communication and the nature of the war led to confusion and misplacement of important documents. Phillips repeatedly requested confirmation that invoices and reports he had sent were received. He also requested information on several new soldiers he received, so that they could be properly mustered in to the unit.

Fort Gibson C.N. [Cherokee Nation] Nov 23d 1864 Lieut J. S. Lane [6th Kansas Cavalry] Act’ Asst Com’ of Musters Sir! I had three men Mustered into my Co’ by You on the 28th day of June 1864! Namely Fox Kenner, Rope, & Teacher, I Signed blank Muster in Rolls, that were to be filled out by You and forwarded to me. I have not Received them & desire to have the Record of the Muster Will You please to forward to me the Muster-in-Roll of these men as Early as possible

-Capt. Maxwell Phillips letter to General Commanding District of the Frontier – Dec. 5, 1864

Phillips meticulously recorded the official procedures and events that took place within the Kansas and Indian Territories and how the problems faced by the men stationed there were different than what soldiers in Missouri and Arkansas encountered. His collection is unique in that it contains such a wide variety of documents. Not only do we have Phillips order books and official government documents including receipts and affidavits, but also included were educational materials he was personally studying.

Contributed by the Oklahoma Historical Society

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1. Maxwell Phillips, Ancestry.com. Official records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 1861-1865 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2008.
2. Oklahoma Historical Society, “Indian Home Guards”, Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/I/IN010.html
3. Frederick H. Dyer, . A COMPENDIUM OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 3 Volumes. New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1959.
4. William G. Cutler’s, “State History, Part 18”, History of the State of Kansas, http://www.kancoll.org/books/cutler/sthist/milrec-p18.html

everything is in an uproar…there is nothing to talk about here but war. I hate the war and all that is connected with it… from what I can learn the south has been behaving all the while it is the republicans that are doing the mischief I guess there will be a great deal of blood shed before the north whips the south some of the people around here thinks it will be a very easy matter to whip but I guess they will have a bitter pill to swallow first
Minerva Phillips, Central City, Illinois – January 26, 1862

Alexander served in the 3rd Infantry Regiment, 1st Division, Missouri State Guard. His initial post was Camp New Madrid, in southeastern Missouri. His service in the Missouri State Guard expired in late 1861, and Alexander joined the 2nd Missouri Cavalry as a 2nd Lieutenant. Alexander wrote home about news from the front and friends in the services. Soldiers often speculated about rumors and news in camp, and in one letter Alexander reflects on how President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation will impact the War.

We are all well; there has been but little sickness in camp this winter so far. There is little to do now in camp and times are rather dull Since we returned from the Holly Springs Raid [MS] of which you have no doubt already heard at least the federal account: if you get the other letter you will find a Short description of that brilliant little affair…The Yankees are deserting very fast Several hundred have deserted and come to Grenada …I see by a paper which I have just been reading that at Baton Rouge Louisiana whole Regiments laid down their arms and refused to fight to carry out Lincolns Proclamation We have rumors of Illinois and Indiana withdrawing their Troops from the field and it is believed by a great many that a parts of [Ulysses S.] Grants army have gone back there to put down rebellion. it is also said that Kentucky has refused to aid in prosecuting the war unless the Proclamation is withdrawn. One thing is pretty sure, the yankee army is becoming or has already become very much demoralized, and from all that I can learn we will soon see the beginning of the end according to my opinion…..
Alexander Chadwell, Camp Buck Hill, Mississippi – February 8, 1863

As the War continued, Gideon received news from his friends and family throughout the Midwest. He received letters from soldiers in Arkansas about camp conditions, and others who were captured and sent to Union prisons. Gideon’s nephew in Illinois wrote about the passing of Union troops and their treatment of defiant civilians.

…there Was Some Rough times when they stayed At Centralia there was a man went There One day and there was A pointed Him out as a copperhed they arrested Him and used him Rough for A while And he got A way from them and there Was A Soldier Shot at him did not hit Him the Same day the cut the buttons Off A mans coat another Instance They was going to take a Mans Briches off because they were brown He drawed his Revolver and they Took It from him…
James M. Strong, Central City, Illinois – March 20, 1864

Beyond war and political news, the Chadwell Leavenworth Collection provides details about the family’s post-war life. Alexander worked was a surveyor and schoolteacher. By August 1881, he was teaching in Conway County, Arkansas. Martha married Joseph A. Leavenworth, who operated a sawmill in Leota, Mississippi. Their lumber contributed to the building of homes in Mississippi. The Chadwell Leavenworth Collection consists of correspondences from 1837 through 1944. Community and Conflict only included correspondences from 1861 through 1875. Researchers are encouraged to contact Western Historical Manuscript Collection for additional letters and document.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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On May 4th, 1858 Wadlow filed a claim against Benjamin Perryman in the Probate and Common Plea court in Greene County, Missouri for one thousand dollars. The outcome of the case hinged on the definition of the slaves’ condition. The way to determine the “sound condition” of a slave was very subjective and the evidence to prove that a slave was “worthless” had to be quite substantial for a claim to hold any legal standing in a court of law. When Violet and Aaron came to Wadlow, they were very ill. Mrs. Whittenburg, another slave of Wadlow’s, testified that when she helped Violet into bed she “discovered that the Negro woman could not lie on one side because it caused her a lot of pain.”3

The declarations of the Negro woman, Mrs. Whittenburg, were excluded by the court, and because the judge did not allow her testimony, the verdict came back in the favor of Perryman. Charles Wadlow, displeased with the outcome, decided to appeal the case to the State Supreme Court, in which they sided with Mr. Wadlow; sighting that the lower courts had erred in not allowing the testimony be submitted into evidence.

We see no difference between this case and that of Man vs Hill & Haynes, 10 Mo. 323. The evidence offered by the plaintiff of the declarations of the slave, made whilst she was laboring under sickness, as to the cause of her ilness and the source of it, was admissible and the Court erred in excluding them. With the concurrence of the other Judges, the judgment is reversed and the cause remanded
Charles Wadlow vs. John G. Perryman.

The slave laws that prevailed during the time did not allow for a slave to testify against a white person in court.4 However, since Mrs. Whittenberg was not testifying against Mr. Perryman, only stating the condition she saw Violet in after Wadlow bought her, her testimony was legally admissible into court. The case was returned to the Common Plea court, and no documentation of further ruling could be located.

Contributed by the Greene County Archives and Records Center

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1. 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Cass, Greene, Missouri; Roll: M653_621; Page: 259; Image: 259; Family History Library Film: 803621.
2. Charles Wadlow vs. John G. Perryman, 1857. S1 F007. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri.
3. Charles Wadlow vs. John G. Perryman, 1857. S1 F007. Greene County Archives and Records Center, Springfield, Missouri. Part 2, pg 8
4. “Slave Codes”, U.S. History Online Textbook, Wednesday, January 19, 2011, http://www.ushistory.org/us/6f.asp