The Eighth Division, under the command of Gen. James Rains, participated in the Battle of Wilson’s Creek on August 10, 1861. Wilson’s Creek was the second major battle of the Civil War. Union troops under Nathaniel Lyon marched from Springfield, Missouri to engage the Confederates encamped along the creek. Completely surprised by the attack, the Confederates were able to hold their ground and repel the Union advance. Gen. Lyon was killed during the battle, and Union forces retreated to Rolla, MO. Bradford sketched part of the battlefield noting the location of the Sharp house, Sterling Price’s headquarters at the Edwards’ farm and the Gibson’s Mill.

After the Battle, Bradford’s company marched north with Price and participated in the Battle of Lexington between September 18 and 20, 1861. Price mobilized roughly 7,000 men on his march to Lexington. The town was held by Col. James A. Mulligan and his force of 2,700 Federals. Southerners flocked to Price, and by September 18 his army had grown to nearly 10,000 men.

Mulligan fortified his position in the Masonic College on the north end of town. Rains and his men, which included 3,052 guardsmen and two batteries of artillery, took a position to the north and east of the college. Mulligan launched an unrelenting artillery barrage into the approaching Confederate line. The Rebels captured Oliver Anderson’s house, which at the time was being utilized as a Union hospital. This enraged Mulligan, and he quickly ordered a counterassault to reclaim the building. The order resulted in heavy casualties, and the Federals only held the Anderson home for a short period before the Confederates overpowered them again.

On September 19, the guardsmen encircled the college, and the federals eventually exhausted their supplies. The Union men, surrounded by enemy troops, were forced to endure the battle and heat without water. On September 20, the Confederates discovered a large quantity of hemp bales stored in a nearby warehouse. The guardsmen rolled the bales onto the battlefield slowly charging the Union trenches. The bales provided ample protection for the men; even the Union cannons could not penetrate the dense hemp. Finally, the guardsmen advanced close enough to charge the Union line. Hand-to-hand combat erupted, and soon Mulligan realized surrender was his only option. Price captured several pieces of artillery, 3,000 rifles and 750 horses.

In his journal, Bradford recorded the names of his men who fought bravely at Lexington. He then made a list of those who did not answer the call of duty.

The following list of names are those who stood bneath the enemies grape and muskets for 60 hours at Lexington Mo and won for themselves never dying glories

The following list of names are those who did not go to the brest works oposite these names are there and by excuses for them1

Price reported 25 killed and 72 wounded for the three day engagement. Rains reported only two men were killed from the 8th Division and twenty wounded. Bradford offered the following tribute to his fallen comrades.

So Sleep the brave who sink to res with all there countrys’ wishes best

Asbury C. Bradford journal – n.d.

While Confederate troops clinched victories at Carthage, Wilson’s Creek and Lexington, Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson prepared the political stage for Missouri admission to the Confederacy. The General Assembly elected to remain in the Union in early 1861, but Jackson was determined to cut ties with the United States Government. Days before the Battle of Wilson’s Creek, Jackson issued a “Proclamation of Independence,” which declared Missouri a sovereign and independent state. He cited atrocities committed by Union forces, who repeatedly violated Missouri’s rights and liberties. Two weeks later, the Confederate Congress passed a resolution admitting Missouri to the Confederacy, but technically Missouri had not seceded from the Union.

The momentum built from the victories on the battlefield gave Jackson the opportunity to achieve his goal. In September, Jackson called the General Assembly back into session, and asked them to meet at the Newton County Courthouse in Neosho on October 21. On October 20, Bradford’s men marched towards Neosho to protect the legislators as they gathered to solidify Missouri’s future with the Confederacy.

Sunday 20 marched to Neosho

Sunday 27 yet at Neos.

Monday 28 a fine day News confirmed that the Fedrals are in Springfield Also the Legislature in Neosho assembled ratified the Proclamation of the Govens delivered at Newmadrid

Asbury C. Bradford journal – October 20 – 28, 1861

Bradford served in the Missouri State Guard for six months. On March 1, 1862, he was transferred to the 5th Missouri Infantry, C.S.A. According to his service records, Bradford participated in the Battles of Carthage, Wilson’s Creek, Dry Wood, Lexington, Pea Ridge, Fort Gibson, Champion Hill and Vicksburg. Bradford left the service on furlough in August 1863. His records state he was last heard from on December 22, 1863, when he reported that he was extremely sick and did not expect to live. Bradford resided in Bolivar, Missouri.

Contributed by Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. Asbury Bradford, Journal, 1861. WICR 30060. Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, Missouri, 49-52.

the corn crop is as fine as iever Saw the wheat and oats hungarion [Hungarian wheat] timithy [Timothy grass] all good but no market for nothing no money I surpose with out adout of all the battle that has bin faught in Virginginia and at Springfield
Coleman Bruce Letter to William and Martha Jane Jackson. Aug. 20, 1861

Bruce’s sentence structure and phonetic spelling make his letter difficult to read; yet it provides a valuable insight to the written and verbal speech patterns of the 19th Century. In his letter Bruce calls northerners the pejorative term “dutch,” a corruption of “Deutsche,” meaning German. This term was commonly used in Missouri, as many associated the massive German migration to St. Louis and the city’s urban setting with other iconic northern cities. The use of such language shows that association with the rising immigrant class was viewed by many in Missouri as a detriment to American society.

we dont expect to live under the dutch nor the Yonkeys we pur fiting untell we die in prefance the north
Colman Bruce Letter to William and Martha Jane Jackson. Aug. 20, 1861

Bruce was very vocal with his disdain for Northern troops, which placed him in a precarious position during the war. On July 9, 1863, four witnesses filed affidavits with the Missouri Union Provost Marshal, citing Coleman Bruce with disloyalty to the government. A month prior to the accusations, James W. Sappington, a captain and member of the Missouri legislature and Major William Jackson, Bruce’s son-in-law, both testified that Bruce was a “true and loyal citizen.”2 During this period of hostility, anything a person wrote or said could become subject to scrutiny and could be used as evidence that the individual was disloyal. No evidence exists showing Union officials pursued Bruce any further about his loyalty to the state or the country.

Bruce’s letter mentions significant events and individuals of the War, such as action near Cair, Illinois and Birds point (an island on the Mississippi River opposite of Cairo). He also wrote about the death of Union General Nathaniel Lyon at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek. Bruce mistakenly reported Franz Sigel was also killed at the Battle. Lyon and Sigel surprised Confederate troops camped along Wilson’s Creek on the morning of August 10, 1861. While initially caught off guard, the Confederates were able to rally and repel the Union advance.

After Lyon’s death, Union forces retreated back to Springfield and eventually to Rolla, Missouri. Undoubtedly, Bruce was enthusiastic with the Confederate victory at Wilson’s Creek and their occupation of Southwest Missouri. Confederate control over the region caused difficulties for union civilians. Bruce noted that Sample Orr, an 1860 Missouri gubernatorial candidate, robbed a Springfield bank of $24,000. Allegedly, the bank was robbed to prevent the Confederates from securing the money to fund their army. The money was taken to Rolla to remain in Union hands. Little documentation on this event exists, although, Bruce discusses the matter as it was true fact:

Sample Orr robed the Springfield bank of 24000$ the you have ar will hear all about it
Colman Bruce Letter to William and Martha Jane Jackson. Aug. 20, 1861

Bruce encouraged his children to share this letter with their friends and family, perhaps in an attempt to persuade others to support the Confederacy. This letter draw attentions to the impact the War had on family dynamics as well as the crumbling economic condition in the country.

Contributed by a Private Collector

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1. 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Township 47 Range 14, Moniteau, Missouri; Roll M653_634; Page: 648; Image: 148; Family History Library Film: 803634.
2. “Missouri’s Union Provost Marshal Papers, 1861-1868,” Missouri Digital Heritage, accessed October 20, 2010,http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/provost/results.asp?txtName=&txtKeyword=&radSearch=BEG&selCounty=Moniteau&offset=75.

Introduction
Louisa Cheairs McKenny Sheppard

A Confederate Girlhood, the memoir of Louisa Cheairs McKenny Sheppard, reflects upon the life of a young lady raised in the Ozarks during the Civil War. While her reminiscence is decidedly sentimental, it is a compelling representation of wartime and economic struggles and refugee life. Louisa wrote the memoir many years after the events took place. Researchers are reminded that the validity of the events recorded, as with any memoir, may be embellished and should be thoroughly researched.

Louisa Cheairs McKenny Sheppard, “Lou” or “Lulu,” was the fourth child of Talitha and E.D. McKenny. Talitha died during Louisa’s birth in 1848, and she was raised by her grandmother Louisa “Lucy” Terrell Cheairs. Lulu was twelve when the War began, and she recalled impact it had on Springfield and her family. Eventually, they were forced to flee Springfield, and her family left for uncle’s plantation in Mississippi. Over time the family moved to Arkansas, and did not return to Springfield until after the War. A Confederate Girlhood is a recollection of Louisa’s youthful adventures and a tribute to her beloved grandmother.

Contributed by the The History Museum for Springfield-Greene County

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Rolla was pivotal location for the Union during the Civil War because the southwest branch of the Pacific Railroad ended there. Thousands of Union troops and their supplies came to Rolla by train from St. Louis and then were transferred to wagon trails to go to the battles of Wilson Creek in Springfield, Mo., Pea Ridge, and Prairie Grove in Arkansas, plus a number of other smaller skirmishes. While in Rolla, Bushnell organized construction of the earthen fortifications to protect the vital railhead.  The fortifications would eventually become Fort Wyman, named after the regimental commander of the 13^th Illinois, Col. John B. Wyman.  Bushnell noted the influx of soldiers turned Rolla into a city of tents, “I have a tent to myself about 10 feet square & the lieutenants have one of the same size togeather – to give you a correct idea of our canvass city.”4

Bushnell reported to his wife in his letters different rumors he heard about military movement.  He wrote his wife on July 11, 1861 saying that a man had come in to camp on stage and said that there had been a battle between Col. Sigel and Gov. Jackson 150 west of Rolla and that the “confederates routed compleatly with a loss of from 500 to 600 men while Seigel’s loss was only 25 or 35.”5 The battle Bushnell heard about was the Battle of Carthage, in which Jackson surprised Col. Sigel and his troops and forced the Union troops to retreat to Sarcoxie. The losses for the Union were higher than Bushnell recorded; the Union suffered casualties of 44 men, not including the 94 men taken prisoner. Although Sigel retreated both the Union and Confederacy claim Carthage as a victory. Springfield was a valuable supply area both Union and Confederate troops fought continually over the town. While Confederate troops were able to drive the Federal soldiers out of Springfield in the Battle of Wilson Creek, Bushnell was optimistic and stated, “I think we have got the upper hands of secessionism in this vicinity.”6 Bushnell was ready to fight the Confederates if the opportunity arose, writing to his wife, “I should like to be in the next battle fought in Mo. for I think it is our time to “lick.”7

By Oct 27, 1861, Bushnell and his company moved to Bolivar, MO and were “now within about 30 miles directly north of Springfield when Genl [Sterling] Price the rebel Genl is with 20,000 men.”  They had marched 30 miles the day before and met General John. C. Fremont, who was on his way to Springfield. Bushnell wrote in his letter to his wife stating that “if Price stays in Springfield two days longer we will give him the liveliest shaking up a rebel army ever got we can clean him out “root and branch,” which will tell the tale of rebellion in this state.”8 Fremont was successfully able to lead his regiment through the embittered Southwest Missouri region in an effort to drive out Sterling Price from the state.

When the Colonel Wyman was promoted, Bushnell received a promotion of Major. Wyman was so well pleased with Bushnell’s work that he gave him a horse, “which he said I should need, & as an infantry officer of the line does not need & is not entitled to one, you can infer of what he was thinking”9 With Bushnell’s promotion to Major he was often quartered with his superiors giving him privileged knowledge of future military movements.

Genl. [Samuel R.] Curtis that all the troops at this place should be prepared to march. But no order to march has been isued, I know certain – I occupy a room with Genl. [John B.] Wyman, & night before last Genls Van Ranseller [Henry Van Rensselaer] & Curtis were in there all the evening, and I geathered by their conversation, that Curtis was very anxious to move on to Springfield where [Sterling] Price is stationed with about 15,000 men (more or less), but, Genl. [Henry H.] Halleck is opposed to it & I think, and feel certain there will be no move

Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell, June 25, 1861, pg1

In March of 1862 the 13^th Illinois Regiment had relocated to Northwestern Arkansas.  There, several companies from the regiment fought in the Battle of Pea Ridge on March 7^th and 8^th. General Curtis expected a Confederate attack on the morning of March 8. When it did not come, the Federals advanced. Union artillery was brought forward and opened fire on the Rebel position. After a successful bombardment, almost 10,000 Union infantrymen surged forward. The Confederate position collapsed and Van Dorn ordered a general retreat.

Bushnell and Company B of the 13^th Illinois Infantry along with other Missouri regiments continued to pursue Sterling Price and his Rebel forces; eventually leading them to Searcy County Arkansas by May 1862.  The living conditions in this camp were dismal as the constant rain and marching were trying on the young men’s patience.

It rained nearly all night, and continued to rain all the next day, but notwithstanding, we made an early start and marched through a pouring rain. . . I am not home sick but I am sick of this marching, marching, marching

Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell September 25, 1861, pg 1

Bushnell said that he was involved in several small skirmishes since arriving in Arkansas.  Although his company did not receive any major casualties he wrote of the horrific incident that occurred to the 17^th Missouri Regiment, who was ambushed and slaughtered by either Rebel soldiers or Bushwhackers. What was more shocking about the attack was that when, “A surgeon from the Mo. 3^rd [Missouri] infantry went to the place with an ambulance, for the purpose of dressing the wounds, and bringing away the wounded, but the villains took him, hung him, and with their knives, cut and disfigured him.”10

The 13^th Illinois marched eastward along the Missouri border pursuing the Confederate retreated across the Mississippi River.  After failing to capture Little Rock, they marched along the west bank of the Mississippi River and reached Helena, Arkansas on July 14, 1862.  From Helena, Bushnell and the 13^th Illinois became part of the Army of the Tennessee and participated in actions against Confederate surrounding Vicksburg.  They engaged Confederates at Chickasaw Bluff, where Col. Wyman was killed in December 1862, and the capture of Arkansas Post the following January.  The 13^th Illinois Infantry went on to participate in the siege of Vicksburg in May 1863. 11

Following the capture of Vicksburg, the regiment moved to Memphis and Chattanooga, Tennessee, in October 1863.  Afterwards, the 13^th Illinois embarked on the Chattanooga-Ringgold campaign, and Bushnell participated in the fight at Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge near Chatta­nooga in November.  On November 27, 1863, during an action with the Confederate rearguard near Ringgold, Bushnell was shot through the head and died instantly. The collection consists of seventy-two letters, but only Bushnell’s correspondence form May 1861 – May 1862 have been digitized.  The entire collection can be found at the Western Historical Manuscript Collection in Rolla, MO.  The 13^th Illinois Infantry lost 6 officers and 61 enlisted men in combat.  An additional 2 officers and 123 enlisted men died from diseases.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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1. Douglas Ritchie Bushnell, Douglas Bushnell Letters, 1861-1866. The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA, http://web.mst.edu/~whmcinfo/shelf27/r675/info.html.
2. 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Sterling, Whiteside, Illinois; Roll: M653_237; Page: 1069; Image: 441; Family History Library Film: 803237.
3. “History of the 13th Illinois Infantry”, Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Illinois vol. I, containing reports for the Years 1861-66. Revised by Brigadier General J. N. Reece, Adjutant General. 1900. Springfield, Ill., Phillips Bros., State Printers, http://www.illinoiscivilwar.org/cw13-agr.html
4. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. July. 11, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
5. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. July. 11, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
6. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Aug. 1, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
7. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Sep. 25, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
8. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Oct. 27, 1861 . Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
9. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. Sep. 25, 1861. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
10. Douglas Bushnell Letter to Emily Bushnell. May 23, 1862. Douglas R. Bushnell Collection, 1861-1862, R675, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA .
11. Douglas Ritchie Bushnell, Douglas Bushnell Letters,1861-1866. The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA, http://web.mst.edu/~whmcinfo/shelf27/r675/info.html.

Elizabeth Thompson ran a general store with her husband James in Clay, Missouri. James also worked as a cattle farmer in Greene County. After the Confederate victory at the Battle of Wilson Creek in August 1861, Springfield and Southwest Missouri was under Confederate control. Receipts show that the Quarter-Master-General of the State of Missouri paid Thompson on several occasions, “for supplies for the Missouri Volunteers for the Confederate States service.”1

By the fall of 1861 Federal troops regained control of Missouri and forced Price and his Confederate soldiers to retreat to Arkansas. The Provost Marshall T.A. Switzler, discovered that the Thompsons had sold goods to the Confederate troops. During the war, civilians considered to be supporting the Confederacy by distributing supplies and goods, offering shelter, or relaying information or other communications were subject to arrest by the Provost Marshall. Switzler forced Elizabeth to sign an Oath of Allegiance to the United States, thus breaking future ties with the Confederacy.2 From then on the records from the Thompson’s store reflected that they supplied goods to Union troops, like the 6th Missouri Cavalry for six thousand pounds of corn.3

Springfield and the rest of Southwest Missouri changed hands several times during the war. This shifting of control made life difficult on civilians and business owners. While business owners and farmers may have felt personally aligned with a certain party, they had to support the ruling army in their area or face consequences. Also the lack of money circulating made it difficult for business owners to keep their operations running. With guerrilla warfare ravaging the countryside many civilian did not have the money or resources to pay their debts. This was the case of Mr. R.W. Folkner who owed money to Elizabeth’s father, Abner Dabbs. In order to reclaim the payment two of Dabbs’ daughters broke into Folkner’s home and stole “plunder” he had acquired. Folkner then accused the girls of stealing his stolen goods, and refused to formally pay the debt he owed until the matter was resolved.4

The St. Louis Republican described the conditions in Southwest Missouri as, “…positively alarming, they [the citizens of Southwest Missouri] being so destitute as to be in danger of starvation. Robbed repeatedly by the soldiers of both armies, their farms laid waste, their houses and fences burned, their horses and cattle driven off, and the male members of families absent in the contending armies, the situation of the women, children and old men, who remain, is most pitiable.”5

Regardless of their motives for the violence, the damage guerrillas caused and the terror they spread plagued the civilians of the Ozarks for over ten years. Not knowing whom to trust and literally living day-to-day, the people of the Ozarks persevered. Facing violence, managing a home without a secure network of support, raising a family in the midst of disease and deprivation, tending to crops with a diminished workforce…all combined to make hardship an everyday reality. Many civilians could not afford to stay on their property and fled to try and find safety and security in other parts of the country. It would take many years for families to regain the lives they had before the Civil War.

The Thompson papers documents the struggles of one family and business owner had during the turbulent time in American history. Included are personal correspondence from friends and family, legal documents, and business papers. The collection generally concerns the Civil War in southwestern Missouri, family matters, and business affairs. Only the documents related to the Civil War have been digitized. The remaining collection is available at the Western Historical Manuscript Collection in Rolla, Missouri.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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1. Receipt for James M. Thompson. Jan. 23, 1862. Elizabeth R.D. Thompson Papers, 1861-1866, R671, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
2. T. A. Switzler, Oath of Allegiance to the United States Government and Safeguard for Elizabeth H. Thompson. Aug. 23, 1862. Elizabeth R.D. Thompson Papers, 1861-1866, R671, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
3. William H. Daniels letter to William J. Robertson. Aug. 31, 1862. Elizabeth R.D. Thompson Papers, 1861-1866, R671, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
4. Sample Orr Letter to James M. Thompson. Oct. 6, 1862. Elizabeth R.D. Thompson Papers, 1861-1866, R671, The STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA.
5. “From the St. Louis Republican.” Milwaukee Daily Sentinel, March 21 1863, page 2 column 2.

The Enrolled Missouri Militia, 4th Military District

On August 17, 1861 Missouri Governor Hamilton R. Gamble ordered a proclamation establishing the Missouri State Militia for defense of the State against guerrilla activity. Gamble soon realized the need for additional troops, and on July 22, 1862 he issued General Order Number 29 organizing the Enrolled Missouri Militia (EMM). General Colley B. Holland assumed command of the 4th Military district, consisting of the counties in southwest Missouri, on October 30, 1862. Based in Springfield, Missouri, roughly 2,500 men reported for duty, operating under the jurisdiction of the State of Missouri. Holland’s documented all activities related to his command in the enrolled Missouri Militia order book for the 4th Military District in Southwest Missouri, from November 1862 through May 1863. His reports covered the Battles of Springfield and Hartville and also include details about depredation in Southwest Missouri and the extensive guerrilla activity that took place in the region.

Colley B. Holland was made captain of Company D, in the famous Phelps Regiment, organized in the summer of 1861. He took part in the Battle at Pea Ridge, Arkansas, the heaviest battle west of the Mississippi. Holland was promoted to the position of lieutenant colonel of the reorganized Phelps Regiment, and in the fall of 1862 he aided in recruiting the Seventy-second Regiment, of Missouri State Militia, and was commissioned colonel of that organization, his commission bearing date of September 9, 1862.

Holland’s control over southwest Missouri was tested early as Gen. John. S. Marmaduke led confederate troops from Arkansas and assaulted Springfield on January 8, 1863. Marmaduke had hoped to surprise Springfield’s garrison, but Union Captain Milton Burch’s Company H, 14th Missouri State Militia Cavalry Regiment, while scouting near Dubuque, Arkansas, on January 6, 1863, detected Marmaduke’s movements. Burch then retreated with his company to Lawrence’s Mill in Douglas County, Missouri, before daylight of January 7. Captain Burch then sent a warning message: A Confederate force, estimated between 4000 and 6000 strong, was moving toward Springfield. This was alarming news for Union Brigadier General E. B. Brown’s Springfield & Ozark garrisons, whose commands included only 1,343 veteran soldiers. With suggestions from militia officers Holland, Henry Sheppard, and Doctor Samuel Melcher, General E. B. Brown called upon all available Enrolled Missouri Militia commanders to concentrate their regiments immediately at Springfield.

After fighting Union soldiers for several hours, Marmaduke realized that his force was too small to capture the Union garrison. He disengaged his Confederate forces about 11 p.m, and retreated from the battlefield on the morning of January 9. The Union won a major tactical victory since they successfully held onto the town and saved the Union Army of the Frontier’s winter supplies.

After the defeat at Springfield, General Marmaduke turned his sights towards Hartville. Marmaduke’s men were able to bypass the Union forces on the road and enter Hartville. Union troops raced to Hartville and formed a battle line on the high ground west of the courthouse. The Union forces had almost no time to prepare their position before Colonel Joseph Shelby and Colonel Joseph Porter’s commands engaged them in battle.

As the Confederates discovered the precise location of the Union battle line, they began concentrating their fire from the buildings in town. A portion of the Union line began to break and elements retreated, including the Union’s artillery. Confederate commanders noted the Union withdrawal, and presumed victory. The Union position west of the courthouse, however, was covered by ample brush and trees. While some Union forces indeed retreated from the battlefield, the 21st Iowa Infantry did not receive the order to retreat, so they held their ground in the bush. As Colonel Porter and his column reached the courthouse they realized their mistake as the enemy, only 50 yards away from his men, opened fire. Porter was wounded in the leg and hand.

Lieutenant Colonel Cornelius Dunlap, of the 21st Iowa Infantry, extended his line of defense and increased his regiment’s rate of fire to mask his weakness from the Rebel forces. The Confederates made three additional advances before sundown, all of which were repelled. Dunlap later reported, “My men all acted finely, and were cool and active when they learned that they were left alone in front of a rebel horde of 5,000 men.”1 After darkness, Dunlap retreated with the other Union forces toward Lebanon.

Along with calling upon men to fight in combat, General Holland’s responsibilities also included protecting the citizens of Southwest Missouri from guerrilla fighters as Col Henry Sheppards replied to General Holland the need for mounted men was great, “ It is mounted men that are wanted, to distribute them in the Counties of Newton, Jasper, Lawrence, Dade, Cedar, and Barton in the West, and in Christian Stone and Taney in the South, for in many localities in the counties named are bands of Guerrillas. Unless the loyal citizens in those Counties have some protection, they will be overrun and driven from their homes; and have their property destroyed.”2

Management of rebel civilians became a difficult issue for the Enrolled Missouri Militia and Holland. Holland issued General Orders No. 4, which required all able-bodied men between the ages of 16 and 55 years, residing in the Springfield area, to report for work on fortification and other necessary duties for the EMM. “All able-bodied men” did not discriminate among political affiliations and oaths of loyalty. Captured rebel prisoners began work on fortifications, a pragmatic use of idle manpower. Claims of maltreatment from rebel civilians by the Enrolled Missouri Militia reached Holland and General Egbert B. Brown, in which Holland responded:

Many complaints are made to me by persons who admit they have been active rebels, or that they sympathize with those in rebellion. They complain of depredations on their property by the Enrolled Militia. In many cases I find the complaints groundless… I am ready to sustain all measures which you may consider necessary for the public good; and to have maintained in the Enrolled Militia the strictest discipline. To disarm and disband any portion, because of alleged misdemeanors or crimes, is in my judgment not only irregular, but will tend to destroy all military discipline.
Colley B. Holland to Egbert B. Brown, December 15, 1862

By the end of the war, over 52,000 men were mustered into 70 regiments of the EMM. While plagued with a stereotype created by its notorious elements, many Enrolled Missouri Militia regiments “became professional in their demeanor and execution, defended their home areas with distinction, even won acclaim for occasional combat, and often performed these feats with their own private weapons, clothing, and horses.”3

This collection represents the bureaucratic task of organizing, supplying, training, disciplining, and maintaining a military presence in the Ozarks.

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – Columbia

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1. U. S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series 1, Volume XXII, Part 1 (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901), 193.
2. Order Book Enrolled Missouri Militia, 4th Military District, pg 5.
3. Bruce Nichols, Guerrilla Warfare in Civil War Missouri, 1862 (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, 2004), 103.

Wiswell was one of thousands of young men throughout the North and South who enthusiastically joined the army. At the outbreak of the Civil War, there was a standing force of “regular” units in the United States Army. Each state was also given a quota of “volunteer regiments” to be raised for service lasting from three months to three years. These state militias were called into service, but they needed to be Federalized in order to receive pay from the United States government and serve outside of state borders.3 By 1863, many of the state regiments in both armies had served since 1861 and still composed of mostly volunteer soldiers. A regiment’s flag contained the regiment’s number and state affiliation, usually followed by “VOLUNTEER INFANTRY”. Wiswell noted the distinction between volunteer and regular soldiers stating, “There is a great difference between Volunteers and regulars about coolness in Battle the Volunteers go in on a run yelling like indians the regulars take it as cool as they would if they was going to supper, talking and wondering whether they will get coffee at night or not.”.4

Regardless if a soldier was a volunteer or regular, they experienced the same rough lifestyle. Civil War soldiers lived on a sparse diet as Wiswell said his full rations consisted of, “18 oz Flour 20 oz Beef or Bacon 2 Qts Coffee with Sugar 1 Qt Bean or Rice Soup with Soap and Vinegar enough to use,” unfortunately the soldiers were living on only half rations at the time Wiswell wrote to his sister, Naomi, and had marched for days.5 The 4th US Cavalry had little time to rest between drilling and pursuing the enemy as they prepared to engage the Confederates encamped along Wilson Creek on August 10, 1861.

In early August 1861, the combined forces of Sterling Price’s Missouri State Guard and Brig. Gen. Benjamin McCulloch’s Army from Arkansas marched north to Springfield, Missouri. The Confederate force prepared to assault Lyon’s army camped in Springfield, on August 9, 1861; however, rain delayed their attack as waterlogged powder cartridges would impede military success. Instead of waiting to be attacked, Lyon marched his men from Springfield and assaulted the Confederate encampment at 5am the following morning.

The Confederate forces were initially caught off guard by Lyon’s assault. Price and McCulloch, however, were able to rally their men and repel the Union advance. Lyon was killed during the battle as he tried to plug a hole in the Union line. Maj. Samuel D. Sturgis replaced him, and soon realized that his men were exhausted and ammunition was low. The remaining Union forces withdrew from the battlefield and evacuated Springfield as they retreated to Rolla, Missouri.

Wiswell described the defeat at Wilson’s Creek stating, “the Battle lasted 6 or 7 hours we were defeated and retired to Springfield that night and retreated from there towards St Louis. We are now near the RR about 120 miles from there. Out of 50 in our Co that went into the fight 40 was killed and wounded.”6

While the defeat at Wilson’s Creek was initially demoralizing for the soldiers who participated in the battle, it ultimately drew national attention to the vulnerable position of Missouri. Thus, the Union government poured additional resources into the war effort to secure the state for the Union.

The Wiswell collection is small, but contains valuable documents related to early engagements of the Civil War. Included in the collection are: a six page letter and a period newspaper clipping, depicting the Battle of Wilson’s Creek with a map and troop movement annotations drawn by Wiswell.

Contributed by the Pearce Museum at Navarro College

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1. 1860 United States Federal Census; Census Place: Castleton, Rutland, Vermont; Roll: M653_1326; Page: 63; Image: 131; Family History Library Film: 805326.
2. “4th Regiment of the US Calvry, Regular Army,” National Parks Service Civil War Soldiers and Sailors Systems, http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss/regiments.cfm
3. John Heiser, National Park Service, Gettysburg National Military Park, September 2000, http://www.nps.gov/archive/gett/getttour/armorg.htm.
4. James H. Wiswell Letter to Naomi Wiswell. Aug. 9, 1861. Wiswell (James H.) Papers, 1861, 1996.062, Pearce Civil War Collection, Navarro College, Corsicana.
5. James H. Wiswell Letter to Naomi Wiswell. Aug. 9, 1861. Wiswell (James H.) Papers, 1861, 1996.062, Pearce Civil War Collection, Navarro College, Corsicana.
6. James H. Wiswell Letter to Naomi Wiswell. Aug. 9, 1861. Wiswell (James H.) Papers, 1861, 1996.062, Pearce Civil War Collection, Navarro College, Corsicana.

Lyman Gibson Bennett enlisted in the 36th Illinois Infantry in 1861. Prior to the War he trained as a surveyor and civil engineer, working for the railroad. The military utilized Bennett’s skills as a cartographer, and assigned him to survey battlefields, road systems, and fortifications. Bennett’s diaries document his daily duties as both a soldier and an engineer for the military. His regiment participated in the Battle of Pea Ridge, which he describes in vivid detail. Bennett was discharged from the military in August 1864.

In 1865, Bennett joined the engineering department of General Samuel R. Curtis as a civilian. He mapped the 1864 battlefields of Sterling Price’s Missouri Expedition. Bennett was then assigned to survey fortifications in Nebraska and Colorado, and eventually served as an engineering officer on the Powder River Expedition of 1865. Bennett’s diaries provide colorful insight to his perception of the Ozarks and its inhabitants.

This collection consists of three diaries:

August 19 – December 20, 1861
December 21, 1861 – April 4, 1862
January 1 – October 4, 1865

Contributed by the STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY of MISSOURI RESEARCH CENTER – ROLLA

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Abraham Lincoln’s victory in the 1860 presidential election created even more sectional tensions. With Southern state already leaving the Union, Missouri held a secessionist convention three weeks after his inauguration. The convention, however, was dominated by Missouri Unionists who elected to remain in the Union. Missouri’s pro-Confederate Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson was disappointed with the result of the convention, but did not give up hope of secession. His goal was merely postponed.

After the attack on Fort Sumter, President Lincoln called for 75,000 militia volunteers to confront the rebellion. Missouri was asked to supply just over 3,000 men. Governor Jackson, famously replied, “Sir – Your requisition is illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary; in its object inhuman & diabolical. Not one man will Missouri furnish to carry on any such unholy crusade against her Southern sisters.”1

Jackson declared Missouri in a state of armed neutrality, committed to the Union, but ready to defend itself against federal abuse. He authorized 669 militia men to train in Lindell Grove outside of St. Louis. This gathering of pro-Confederate militia, named their camp after the honorable Missouri Governor. St. Louis was the home of the largest arsenal west of the Mississippi River, storing approximately 36,000 muskets.2 Union Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, aware of the potential threat to the arsenal, relocated the arms to Illinois and strengthened the arsenal’s defenses. He then marched his command of 6,500 mostly German troops to Lindell Grove and demanded the militia’s surrender on the morning of May 10.

An angry crowd gathered as Lyon marched his prisoners through the streets of St. Louis and back to the arsenal, which instigated a riot. The Union men failed to restore order to the crowd, and shots were exchanged between both civilians and soldiers. Twenty-eight civilians were killed, another seventy-five wounded in the melee. Two Union soldiers and three militiamen also died.

Lyon’s rash actions and unfortunate loss of life was precisely the event Governor Jackson had been waiting for. Jackson left St. Louis immediately for Jefferson City, where the legislature was debating a military bill that would prepare Missouri for war. The bill had encountered heavy opposition, but news of Camp Jackson broke the legislative standoff and it passed in fifteen minutes. The bill reorganized the state militia into the Missouri State Guard. Sterling Price, a former governor and president of the secession convention took command of the new force. The legislature even gave Jackson control of the state’s railroads and telegraphs.

Lyon’s federal forces advanced on Jefferson City, causing Jackson and legislators to flee south. A provisional pro-union government was established, as Jackson’s administration seemed to have abandoned their position. Jackson left the state seeking support for Missouri’s admission into the Confederacy. He met with Arkansas’s Governor, Confederate General Leonidas Polk, Confederate President Jefferson Davis and the Confederate Congress. Jackson returned to Missouri in early August 1861. In New Madrid, Jackson issued a “Proclamation of Independence,” on August 5, which declared Missouri a sovereign and independent state. He argued Union forces had repeatedly violated Missouri’s rights and liberties. Two weeks later, the Confederate Congress passed a resolution admitting Missouri, but technically she had not seceded from the Union.

After victories at Wilson’s Creek and Lexington, the Confederates had built a large support base and gained the political momentum. In September, Jackson issued another proclamation, which called the General Assembly into session. Legislators were asked to gather at the Newton County Courthouse in Neosho on October 21. There they would solidify Missouri’s future with the Confederacy, by formally seceding from the Union.

The gathering at Neosho was surrounded with controversy. The legality of the assembly, and thus, its resolutions, hinges on the presence of a quorum. The debate cannot be resolved conclusively with the conflicting evidence available. Only this Senate Journal survives, and it does not include a roll of members present. On October 21, M. C. Goodlett, Senator representing the 15th District (Jefferson, St. Genevieve and St. Francois Counties) and later Colonel in the Missouri State Guard, motioned to dispense with the call of roll. Furthermore, the only motions the following day were to fill vacancies in committees. Certainly it is unlikely a quorum was present on October 21. The legislature spent a full week organizing itself, no doubt trying to assemble enough members to make their proceedings legal while failing to record the call of roll. Their success; or failure remains unknown, depending on one’s sympathies.

John W. Fisher, a soldier in Price’s Missouri State Guard at Neosho wrote in his diary the legislators had a quorum on October 25. Confederate Military History declared, in 1899, “In every particular it [the legislature] complied with the forms of law . . . There was a quorum of each house present . . . The ordinance [secession] was passed strictly in accordance with law and parliamentary usage . . .”3 In the eyes of the United States government, the Neosho legislature was a non-issue. The legislature had been dissolved and the governor removed from office. They had no legal standing and could pass any resolutions they pleased, though it must be remembered the Confederate Congress ultimately accepted its authority.4 Noticeably absent of course, was a vote of the people. Neither the Provisional Government, nor the Neosho Secession Ordinance was approved by Missourians at the ballot box.

The most important task facing the legislature was passing an ordinance of secession. This was accomplished on October 28. The senate listed many constitutional violations committed by Union authorities which made secession necessary:

Men, women and children, in open day and in the public thoroughfares, were shot down and murdered by a brutal soldiery with the connivance of Government officers. Our citizen soldiers were arrested and imprisoned, State property was seized and confiscated without warrant of law, private citizens were insecure in there persons and property; the writ of Habeas Corpus had been nullified and the brave Judges who had attempted to protect by it, the liberties of the citizens had been insulted and threatened and a tyrant president revealing in unencumbered powers had crowned all these acts of unconstitutional aggression by declaring war against a number of the States comprising the former Union.
Claiborne Fox Jackson – October 28, 1861

Union actions made reconciliation impossible, but the legislators were determined to take Missouri into the Confederacy. Jackson declared, “It is in vain to hope for a restoration of amicable relations between Missouri and the other United States of America under the same government, and it is not desirable if it could be accomplished.” By the end of the evening, both the House and Senate passed a bill entitled, “An Act to declaring the political ties heretofore existing between the State of Missouri and the United States of America dissolved.”

They also passed “An Act to provide for the defense of the State of Missouri,” and “An Act ratifying the Constitution for the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America.” The legislature also elected representatives to the Confederate Congress before it adjourned. The paperwork was quickly sent to Richmond, and on November 28, Missouri formally became the twelfth state to enter the Confederacy. Jackson’s efforts had paid off and upon he hearing the news he declared, “God be praised. This is the happiest moment of my life.”5

Contributed by Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield

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1. Christopher Phillips, Missouri’s Confederate: Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Creation of Southern Identity in the Border West (Columbia: University of Missouri, 2000), 245.
2. Randy R. McGuire, “Solving The Mystery of the Arsenal Guns,” http://www.civilwarstlouis.com/arsenal/index.htm.
3. Clement A. Evans, ed., Confederate Military History: a Library of Confederate States History, written by Distinguished Men of the South, Vol. IX (Atlanta, Georgia: Confederate Publishing Company, 1899), 69.
4. Arthur Roy Kirkpatrick, “The Admission of Missouri to the Confederacy,” Missouri Historical Review 55 (July 1961): 383-84.
5. Phillips, Missouri’s Confederate, 269.